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costavozkan weapons industry always lookin for a quick buck
Executive:
Chancellor: | Navke Tovhar |
Cabinet: | Tovhar cabinet (caretaker) |
Upper house: | Regional Assembly |
Leader: | President of the Regional Assembly |
Lower house: | General Assembly |
Leader: | Speaker of the General Assembly |
Coalition: | PDR (minority caretaker government) |
President of | Kanij Bugonjn |
Speaker of the | Vanjn Kovrolev |
High court: | Supreme Court of Takiv |
Chief Justice: | Nuzkar Bovlev |
Introduction
Politics in the Kingdom Takiv operate under the framework of a devolved parliamentary constitutional monarchy, with the King (currently Razyav V) serving as the head of state and the Chancellor (currently Navke Tovhar) serving as the head of government. By traditional political conventions and restrictions in the nation's constitution, the position of King has only nominal power, while most executive power rests with the Chancellor and their cabinet of advisors and ministers.
The Takivaj political system delegates most lawmaking authority to the national Parliament, executive power to the Cabinet, and judicial power to the Supreme Court and its inferior courts. The government uses a system known as fusion of powers, where the executive and legislature are intertwined. Members of the Cabinet, including the Chancellor, are required to be members of one of the chambers of Parliament. The General Assembly and the King must approve all Cabinet nominees, and the General Assembly can also dissolve the Cabinet and dismiss the Chancellor if they lose their majority.
The judiciary is considered impartial and nonpolitical. All judicial nominees must be approved by Parliament, and each chamber of Parliament is able to choose half of the justices of the Supreme Court. Judges serve for 20-year terms and can only be removed from office for committing a crime or abusing their office. Supreme Court justices serve single terms of 16 years. Usually, judicial nominations are nonpartisan, with informal convention dictating that all nominees have the approval of the Chancellor, the Minister of Justice, and the Leader of the Opposition to take office.
Takivaj politics is run as a multi-party democracy, with modern Takivaj politics featuring 7 major parties. All chancellors since the late 1970s have come from one of two parties: the center-left Party for Democratic Reform (PDR) and the center-right National Union Party (NUP). Prior to the PDR's rise, the main center-left party was the Social Democratic Labor Party, and the NUP was preceded by the Takivaj Conservative Party. For every election except 1972, no party has won an absolute majority in the General Assembly. This means that, to form a majority coalition in the General Assembly, the major parties have to work with one or two smaller parties to form a majority. These smaller "coalition parties" (suvrekni kenevzoj) are usually the National Liberty Party, the Takivaj Green Party, and, more recently, the Takivaj Heritage Party.
Parliament
Parliament is divided into two separate chambers: the General Assembly and the Regional Assembly. The General Assembly, in Takivaj political literature, is generally described as the "superior chamber" despite technically being the lower chamber. The General Assembly is described in this way because all laws must start there and it has the sole power to appoint Cabinet nominees and the Chancellor as well as dismiss them. The Regional Assembly mostly serves as a way for regional governments to scrutinize legislation passed by the General Assembly, which they can only block for so long before the General Assembly can bypass them. They also have some residual power, and notably is able to appoint half of the Supreme Court justices.
General Assembly
The General Assembly is elected every four years via the system of closed-list proportional representation, where Takivaj political parties adopt lists of potential General Assembly members and those members are chosen based on the number of seats that their party gets in elections. The number of seats is determined by the percentage of the vote received by the party in the election.
The General Assembly is led by the Speaker of the General Assembly, currently Vanjn Kovrolev of the Party for Democratic Reform. The Speaker has a lot of power within the Assembly, including setting the Assembly's calendar, determining committee assignments and committee leaders, choosing who speaks in debates, and sending proposals to committees. The Speaker also has the right to speak in any committee meetings that they wish, though they cannot vote in them. The Speaker also has the right to cast a tiebreaker when a vote is tied on the floor.
The leader of the largest non-government party in the General Assembly is given the position of Leader of the Opposition. The Leader of the Opposition, currently Raznak Nogva of the National Union Party, serves mostly in an oversight role. They scrutinize government policy, organize opposition to the majority government in both in their own party and in other non-government parties, and are given the opportunity to speak second in any parliamentary debate, right after the Prime Minister. They also get priority in Cabinet Questions, where the Chancellor and their Cabinet are asked questions by members of the General Assembly.
The General Assembly's most powerful committee is the Oversight Committee, which, as the name implies, scrutinizes and oversees actions of the Cabinet. By convention, the chair of the Oversight Committee is always the Leader of the Opposition. The Oversight Committee can subpoena witnesses and evidence, hold hearings, and refer people to the Department of Justice if they believe a crime was committed. This is usually the most powerful means that the Leader of the Opposition possesses to scrutinize the administration.
Each political party chooses a party leader, usually someone in the General Assembly. These party leaders are usually the ones who become Chancellor if their party manages to piece together a coalition. Party leaders are given priority in parliamentary debates and committee assignments, and they also tend to serve in cabinet positions if their party is in a majority coalition. Under the party leaders are 'floor leaders,' who function similarly to whips in other systems. The floor leaders ensure that members of their party are voting with the party's stances on issues. They can refer the member to party leadership if they do not, which could result in losing committee assignments, losing other privileges, or being outright sacked from the party.
The General Assembly has the power to oust a sitting Chancellor and their cabinet by declaring that the Assembly does not have confidence in their government. This is called a vote of no confidence. It can pass with a simple majority vote of all members. If it does, the Assembly has two weeks to form a new coalition government. If that period passes with no new government being formed, the ousted Chancellor can petition the King to call a snap election. If the ousted Chancellor refuses to call a snap election and no coalition is formed four weeks after the initial vote, the King must call a snap election. The new election must take place within a month of it being called.
Regional Assembly
The Regional Assembly is the upper house of the Parliament of Takiv. In contrast to its larger and more powerful sibling, the Regional Assembly has little power. It mostly acts as a way to allow the regional governments to scrutinize legislation passed by the General Assembly. The Regional Assembly also has the power to appoint 8 of the 16 justices of the Supreme Court.
The Regional Assembly only came into existence in 1974, when it replaced the old House of Peers. The House of Peers was a legislative body that was appointed by the King, on the advice of the Chancellor. The House of Peers was replaced by popular referendum in 1973, following a massive political scandal that involved the chamber.
The Regional Assembly's membership is appointed by the regional legislatures, with few requirements on membership. The main requirement is that, for the allotted amount that the region gets, they must distribute the seats as proportionally to the political parties in their legislature as possible. Each region gets a certain proportion of the assembly's 300 seats based on their population.
The chief officer of the Regional Assembly is the President of the Regional Assembly, who serves essentially the same purpose as the Speaker of the General Assembly. However, the President is not allowed to cast tiebreaker votes. To break a tie, each regional delegation casts one vote, and if the proposal gets a majority of regional delegations to support it, the tie is broken. The President is chosen by a majority vote of the members. Usually, the President is a member of the second-largest coalition party in the General Assembly, if that coalition also has a majority in the Regional Assembly. If not, the President is usually a member of the main opposition party.
The Regional Assembly's main goal is to scrutinize legislation passed by the General Assembly. The Regional Assembly has the power to reject a bill sent to it by the General Assembly, but can only reject it twice before the bill skips the Regional Assembly. Bills must be considered within the same session as it was passed by the General Assembly, or else it skips the Regional Assembly. By convention, the General Assembly is not allowed to pass new laws for a period of 3 weeks right before the session ends, to give the Regional Assembly time to consider pending legislation. This allows for some level of oversight, but can be frustrating for the General Assembly if swift action is needed on a topic.
The Cabinet
The Cabinet is the main body within the executive branch of the Takivaj political system. It is made up of ministers that run the national bureaucracy, as well as the heads of the independent oversight agencies, and the ministers without portfolio that act as advisors to the Chancellor. The position of Chancellor is also a member of the Cabinet, and acts as its leader. The Cabinet's ministries are tasked with carrying out national law, from agricultural subsidies to catching criminals.
The Cabinet has several powers that they can use to influence policy. The main one that the use is the right to submit privileged motions to the General Assembly. This allows the Cabinet to have their priorities considered by the Assembly over other matters, and this proves useful in a time of crisis. The other major power that they have is suspending regional laws, which they must agree to unanimously and then achieve the support of a majority of the General Assembly. This power is used to maintain national superiority over local governments. Traditionally, this power is used sparingly, though some early Chancellors used that power to force regions to align with national priorities.
The Chancellor
The Chancellor is the head of government of Takiv, leading the national government and setting its priorities. The Chancellor is the de facto leader of Takiv, but de jure is just the chief advisor to the King. The Chancellor, in addition to being a member of the executive branch, is also required to be a member of the General Assembly, and is also usually the leader of the largest party in the General Assembly.
The Chancellor, in addition to their governmental duties, is the leader of their political party. Party leaders usually have wide discrepancy over party policies, and are able to determine their party lists for General Assembly elections. This means that Chancellors and party leaders have the power to radically remake their party and their policies in only a few years. This volatility of party policies can cause wide fluctuations in who wins elections.
The Ministers
Ministers serve as the heads of Takiv's executive departments. They are technically subordinate to the Chancellor, but each Chancellor gives different degrees of flexibility to their ministers. Some Chancellors require all major actions and policy decisions to have their approval, while others are more liberal in their delegation of powers to their ministers.
Ministers, like the Chancellor, are required to be members of the General Assembly. They are usually members of the Chancellor's own political party or the party or parties that the Chancellor's party is in a coalition with. The party leaders of coalition member parties usually serve as high-ranking ministers, such as the minister of foreign affairs, minister of justice, minister of finance, or minister of defense.
The Cabinet also consists of non-ministers that are still important members of the executive branch. These members are the heads of the independent agencies such as the National Election Commission, the Commerce Regulation Commission, the National Communications Agency, and the National Broadcasting Commission. These independent agencies oversee various jobs that are deemed too important to be within the purview of politically-appointed officials, including oversight of the national broadcaster, regulation of foreign and domestic commerce, regulating elections, and regulating communications over television, radio, phones, and the internet. Unlike ministers, the Chancellor cannot unilaterally remove these heads from their positions. To remove them, a 2/3rds majority of the General Assembly must vote to remove them. Their terms are also staggered, serving terms of 6 years.
List of Ministries and ministerial subdivisions:
Minister: - National Police Agency - Department of Prisons - Office of the Inspector General - Office for National Security - Office for Civil Rights - Office for Legal Affairs Minister: - Office for Ambassadorial Affairs - Office for League Affairs - Office of Raelosi Relations - Office of Argus Relations - Office of Mesder Relations Minister: - Department of the Royal Army - Department of the Royal Navy - Department of the Royal Air Force - Department of Military Intelligence Minister: - Office for Budgetary Oversight - Economic Advisory Agency - Revenue Enforcement Agency - Office of the National Bank - Agency for Financial Oversight Minister: - Agency for the National Health Program - Office for Public Health - Office for Health Preparedness - Department of Food, Drug, and Material Oversight Minister: Minister: Minister: |
Minister: Minister: Minister: Minister: Minister: Minister: Minister: Minister: |
Non-Cabinet Agencies
Several other independent agencies are not part of the Cabinet like the heads of the NEC, CRC, NCA, or NBC are. These agency and commission heads mostly serve as a part of the Office of the Chancellor, a body that consists of several different advisors and assistants to the serving Chancellor. Unlike members of the Cabinet, these positions do not require parliamentary, or even royal, approval to take office. They only need to be appointed by the Chancellor. These advisory bodies and officials include the National Security Council, a 16-member panel of experts who advise the Chancellor on matters of national security, including foreign relations, terrorism, military policy, surveillance, and intelligence. The Ministers of Defense, Foreign Affairs, and Justice, as well as the heads of the 4 main departments within the Ministry of Defense, serve as ex officio members of the NSC, while the other 10 members are appointed by the Chancellor. The Chancellor is also a member of the NSC, and is the chair of the Council.
Another major advisory body is the Agency for Military Strategy, a body that includes the military leaders of the military's 5 main branches, as well as the 5 major civilian leaders of the military, and the Chancellor. The AMS devises general military strategy for the nation.
The Office of the Chancellor is overseen by the Head of the Chancellery, a position that is appointed by the Chancellor without parliamentary or royal approval. The Head of the Chancellery oversees the Office of the Chancellor's day-to-day operations.
The Judiciary
The Takivaj judiciary is the body that consists of the various national-level courts. There are 4 main types of court: Provincial-level courts, of which there are around 138, region-level courts, where there is one for each region (plus one for the autonomous city of Virtaz), adding up to 12 regional courts, two High Courts (one civil and one criminal), and the Supreme Court.
Provincial-level courts cover subdivisions of regions, of which there is 138. These provincial courts are the first court that any case goes to, civil or criminal. These courts handle the facts of the case at hand, as well as considering applicable law. These courts make the first decision in cases ranging from petty burglary to major civil rights cases that will have national implications. Each provincial court has a pool of judges that are randomly assigned to cases within their court. Decisions of provincial courts can be appealed based on two types of error: errors of law and errors of fact. Errors of law are when the decision made by the provincial court does not match the law of the land, or if the law itself violates the national constitution. Errors of fact are when the decision reached by the court can be disproven by the available evidence. When a case is appealed, it goes to a regional-level court for another trial.
Regional-level courts have jurisdiction over their region (or, in the case of the Regional Court for the Autonomous City of Virtaz, over Virtaz) and the cases brought to them by lower provincial courts. Each trial has a panel of three judges serving together on a case, and any decision must have a majority of the judges in support. Regional-level courts deal with errors of fact and errors of law arising from provincial courts, and work to set them right. Like in provincial courts, each court has a pool of judges that are randomly assigned to cases. Decisions from regional courts can only be appealed to one of the two High Courts on errors of law.
The High Courts receive all civil or criminal appeals from regional-level courts, depending on if you are in the High Civil Court or High Criminal Court. Each of these courts has a 7 judge panel that presents the final decision. These judges are usually very experienced in either civil or criminal law, having usually served on both provincial and regional courts for 10 year terms. Like the regional-level courts, any decision must have a majority of judges in support. These courts deal solely with errors of law from the lower courts, with errors have fact mostly corrected in lower courts. The decisions that the High Courts deliver are usually final, and can only be appealed to the Supreme Court if there is one or more "constitutional questions" about the decisions that were made by the High Court.
The Supreme Court is the highest court in Takiv, dealing with matters of constitutional law. Its 16 judges are among the most experienced legal minds in the nation, usually having served as judges in lower courts for 30 years. Each chamber of Parliament appoints 8 of the 16 justices. They only deal with issues that have relevance to the Constitution of Takiv, such as if a court made a decision that violated a person's constitutional rights or if a law being enforced is in violation of the Constitution. They also deal with split decisions made by the High Courts, where each High Court issues a decision that conflicts with the other. Decisions made by the Supreme Court can set Takivaj legal precedent for decades, and all lower courts are required to comply with Supreme Court rulings. The only way to overrule a Supreme Court decision is a new constitutional amendment being passed that contradicts the Court's ruling, in which case the amendment prevails.
The national judiciary is an officially nonpartisan body. By informal conventions, most high-level judicial appointments, like to the High Courts or Supreme Court, need the approval of the Chancellor, the Leader of the Opposition, and the Speaker of the General Assembly. Regional court appointments generally need informal approval from the region's delegates to the Regional Assembly to be appointed. Judges can also be impeached and removed from office by the General Assembly if they violate ethics laws or engage in criminal behavior. They are also subject to oversight by the General Assembly's Committee on Judicial Oversight and the Regional Assembly's Committee on Judicial Integrity.
Takivaj politics factbook (mostly) finished, just need to work more on the ministry section
Had an idea for a big car exhibition here in Baumes so if anyone wants to send in a car company, let me know of any details you want mentioned.
Will send you a tg
But if you need armored cars:
Name: Susu (Antelope)
weight: 7.9 tons
Length: 5 meters
Width: 2.54 meter
Height: 2.5 meter
Crew: 4 (commander, driver, gunner, technicians)
Armament: 1 x 20mm autocannon, 1 x 7.5mm machinegun
Armor: 10mm to 25mm
Engine: 6-cylinder diesel 148 hp
Fuel: 210 liters
Speed: 100 km/h
Range: 640 km.
Cost: $1,375,200 IAD
The vehicle has a crew consisting of the commander, driver, gunner and technician. the Driver and technician sit in the forward section of the hull with the commander and gunner in the turret. Carrying 200 liters of diesel fuel it has a range of 640 km.
The standard vehicle is equipped with a 20 mm automatic cannon with a coaxial 7.5mm machinegun. The 20mm has 180 rounds in 18 10 round magazines and can be fired as a single shot, a three round burst or the full 10 round burst. The 7.5mm machinegun has 1500 rounds and is in 6 x 250 round belts.
The armor is able to with stand 12.7mm AP on the front and 7.62mm on the sides and rear, the turret is better protected able to take 14.5mm all around. The floor is doubled with a foam absorbent between two layers of steel.
Each vehicle is equipped thermal imager, camera with 10x zoom, search radar, GPS system and two radios, one being satellite connected, allowing it to provide a wide range of both electronic and visual reconnaissance.
Using the same chassis is the Nala (Roebuck) an anti-tank version that replaces the 20mm auto-cannon and electronic equipment with an 11mm heavy machinegun and MANPATS heavy ATGW. This version has a crew of commander, driver and gunner.
Name: Ayyalu (Stag)
Weight: 14.7 tons
Length:6.4 meters
Width: 2.54 meters
Height: 2.7 meters to turret top, 1.98 to hull top.
Crew: 3
Armament: 1 x 76mm low-velocity gun; 1 x7.5mm coaxial mg.
Defense: 2 x 6 banks of smoke dischargers
Armor: front armor up 14.5mm, sides and rear 7.62mm
Engine: 8.3 diesel turbo charged 260 hp
Range: 925 km
Speed: 105 km/h
Cost: $562,900 IAD
The armor is composed of high-hardness steel able to withstand 14.5mm AP from the front and 7.62mm AP from any angle. The floor is double layered against IEDs. Survivability is further enhanced from low observable technology minimizing thermal, seismic and audio signature and minimal radar return.
The engine is a V-8 270 hp turbo-charged diesel engine allowing rapid acceleration. The vehicle has the typical 6 x 6 articulated independent suspension with coil springs and shock absorbers. The transmission has 6 forward and 2 reverse gears.
The armament is a 76mm low velocity gun with a coaxial machinegun. The main gun has an auto-loading system carrying 30 rounds, with a load normally of 20 HE and 10 HEAT. The HEAT round able to penetrate 350mm RHA. The coaxial mg has 1250 rounds in 5 x 250 round belts.
Variations:
Ayyalu-I: armored personnel carrier with two three man dismount teams
Ayyalu-II: Command Vehicle, with 3 crew and 4 passengers with extra radios.
Ayyalu-III: SIGNIT version, with 3 crew and 4 passengers
Ayyalu-IV: Electronic Warfare Version with 3 crew and 3 passengers equipped with decoding and jamming equipment.
Ayyalu-V: Armored Ambulance with 2 crew, unarmed, has no turret.
Ayyalu-VI: Armored Recovery Vehicle 2 crew and 2 passengers with towing system and 1-ton crane; armed only with 11mm and 7.5 mm machinegun
Ayyalu-VII: 80mm mortar with 2 man crew and 4 man mortar team.
Name: Didanu (Bison)
Weight: 18.5 tons
Length: 6.3 meters
Width: 2.667 meters
Height: 2.74 meters
Crew: 4
Armament: 1 x 105mm rifled gun, 1 x 11mm hmg, 1 x 7.62mm mg
Defense: 4grenade launchers on each side of the turret (8 total) able to fire smoke, flair or fragmentation grenades.
Armor: vehicle has spaced armor able to withstand up to 20mm AP.
Engine: 8.3 diesel turbo charged 275 hp
Range: 600 km
Speed: 100 km/h
Cost: $1,519,000 IAD
It has a four=person crew of commander, driver, gunner and loader with the driver in the forward section of the hull and the remainder located in the turret.
The vehicle is protected by hard-steel able to withstand a 20mm AP on the forward hull and turret, and 12.7mm AP else where. It also has low observable technologies minimizing infrared, acoustic, and seismic signatures.
The engine is a V-8 275 hp turbo-charged diesel with an automatic transmission of six forward and two reverse gears. It has a road speed of 100 km/h and a range of 600 km.
The Didanu is armed with the same 105mm rifle gun as the Usumgallu battle tank. It has a remote controlled 11mm HMG on the roof and a 7.62mm coaxial mg. The gun has a computerized fire-control system giving it the ability to fire on the move. The gunner has an optic-electric day/night sight incorporating an integral laser rangefinder and thermal sight. The vehicle carries 40 rounds including 4 ATGW, 400 x 11mm HMG and 1500 7.62 LMG
List in case you want to look further at 'em (armored cars, APCs/IFVs, tanks).
A Costavozkan ATC-10 in 2017.
Origin | |
Users | *Future operator. |
Produced | 2005-PRESENT |
In Service | 2006-PRESENT |
Number Built | 600 (+50) |
Wars/Conflicts | TBA |
Empty Mass | 4.5 tons |
Hull Length | 4.4 m (~14 ft) |
Hull Width | 2.04 m (~6.7 ft) |
Height | 1.85 m (~6 ft) |
Engine | V-12 Diesel |
Top Speed | On-Road: 115 km/h (71.86 mph) |
Range | 500 km (300 mi) |
Crew | 1 |
Passengers | 9 |
Unit Cost | $265 thousand IAD |
Guns & Missiles | 1x 14.5mm Heavy Machine Gun (Optional) 1x Light Guided Missile Launchers (Optional) |
TBA
Development
TBA
Design
TBA
Variants
TBA
Costavozkan Vehicle Corporation Type 15 Amphibious Infantry Fighting Vehicle- Wheeled (Very WIP, IC)
A Costavozkan AIFV-15 (IFV configuration) in 2020.
Origin | |
Users | *Future operator. |
Produced | 2015-PRESENT |
In Service | 2016-PRESENT |
Number Built | TBA (+30) |
Wars/Conflicts | N/A |
Empty Mass | 22 tons |
Hull Length | 7.7 m (~25 ft) |
Hull Width | 2.8 m (~9 ft) |
Height | 2.3 m (~8 ft) |
Engine | V-12 Diesel |
Top Speed | On-Road: 100 km/h (60 mph) |
Range | 800 km (500 mi) |
Crew | 3 |
Passengers | 9 |
Armor | Composite Equivalent of Composite Equivalent of |
Unit Cost | $2.65 million IAD |
Guns & Missiles | 1x 30mm Smoothbore 2x 7.62mm 2x ATGM Launch |
Protective | 18x Smoke & Mk. II Electro-Optical |
The Costavozkan Vehicle Corporation Type 15 Amphibious Infantry Fighting Vehicle- Wheeled (shortened to AIFV-15) is a modular multirole military vehicle developed to replace the existing 
IFVT-3 and ICVW-8.
Development
TBA
Design
TBA
Variants
TBA
A Costavozkan MBT-22-H in 1999
Origin | |
Users | *Future operator. |
Produced | 1970-PRESENT |
In Service | 1971-PRESENT |
Number Built | 270 (+30) |
Wars/Conflicts | Baumish-Romancian |
Empty Mass | 44.5 tons |
Hull Length | 6.95 m (~22 ft) |
Hull Width | 3.59 m (~12 ft) |
Height | 2.23 m (~7 ft) |
Engine | V-12 Diesel |
HP/Ton | 18.5 hp/ton |
Top Speed | On-Road: 90 km/h (56 mph) |
Range | 650 km (403 mi) |
Crew | 3 |
Armor | Composite Equivalent of Composite Equivalent of Explosive Reactive OR Non-Explosive |
Unit Cost | $3.25 million IAD |
Guns | 1x 125mm Smoothbore 1x 12.7mm 2x 7.62mm |
Protective | 14x Smoke & Blowout Panels Mk. I Electro-Optical |
The Type 22 Main Battle Tank (also known as MBT-22) is a second and third generation Costavozkan main battle tank developed and designed by Costavozkan Vehicle Corporation (CVC). The MBT-22 is a development of its predecessor- the MBT-17- while sharing a common chassis design with the Keomoran T-7 tank. The MBT-22 entered production in 1970 and service began in 1971. Approximately 270 MBT-22 units have been built as of 2024, with refurbishments and upgrades keeping numerous older models in service for decades to come. It has been widely exported and has seen service in over 3 countries and in 1 conflict. While originally scheduled to begin replacement around 2025, the MBT-22-NEXT program is designed to further modernize existing variants and extend the life of the type by at least another additional 25 years.
Development
The development of the Type-22 Main Battle Tank follows the standard development trend of the majority of Costavozkan vehicles, which is to refine one design until it is completely obsolete, with modernizations occurring regularly. As such, the base design of the MBT-22 dates back to late 1966, when a replacement was needed for the aging MBT-17, which had been operating since 1959. With the rapid advancement of tank technology, it was clear to the Costavozkan Ministry of National Defense that an upgrade was needed. In 1966, a requirement was issued to begin development of a replacement. Lacking the means to develop a full replacement at the time, the
MBT-19 was developed off of the design of the MBT-17 as a stopgap. The MBT-19 was introduced in 1967 and continued to serve in an active role until 1982, upon which it was transferred to the reserves, and eventually phased out completely by the MBT-22 in 2005. Several proposals were put in as a successor for the MBT-17 and MBT-19. The first of these was the MBT-18. Considered too expensive and lacking modern technology, it was rejected after only two prototypes were built. The MBT-20 was another of these proposals, however, it failed to satisfy the requirements and only 10 prototypes were built, in order to create an experimental unit. The MBT-22 was proposed as another interim solution- being a derivative of the MBT-17 with several major upgrades- however, it was seen as the best viable solution, so production was authorized in 1970.Design
The MBT-22 shares many of the same traits of earlier Costavozkan tank designs, prioritizing maneuverability, protection, and firepower over crew comfort. This is a result of the decades of evolution Costavozkan armor doctrine went through during following the Imperial War in the 1940s. As such, the MBT-22 is a lightweight and compact design, weighing in at approximately 45 tons when unloaded, and having a small profile. This enables the design to fulfill the needs of Costavozkan armor doctrine, with the tank being able to reach speeds of up to 90 km/h or being able to travel up to 650 km while on a sufficiently maintained and flat paved surface. In order to achieve this, the tank is equipped with extended fuel tanks and a supercharged V-12 multifuel diesel engine. The engine powers a dozen (half-dozen per side) large diameter road wheels, on which the 0.58 m (1 ft 11 in) wide tracks are set. This provides easy identification of the MBT-22 family of tanks. Experimentation is underway with diesel-electric engines and gas turbine engines, however, implementation seems unlikely for the two systems.
The armor and protective systems of the MBT-22 has been constantly evolving since the tank's debut in 1970, with each variant experiencing an upgrade in defensive capabilities. The initial prototypes used a composite armor composed of a fiberglass that was sandwiched between layers of rolled homogeneous armor (RHA), however, initial production models discarded this in favor of a boron carbide-filled fiberglass aggregate between two thinner layers of RHA for greater protection. Modular composite armor was experimented on later models but has never been officially implemented into any production model as of 2023. Since the introduction of the type, smoke and chaff launchers have been available for mounting on the type. Since 1976, ERA has been available for the MBT-22 series of tanks, starting with the Firewall-1 in 1976. The Firewall-1 was eventually phased out by the more reliable Firewall-2 in 1987 and its successors (-3, -4, -5) in the following years, with the Firewall-4 and -5 being very effective against tandem charge weapons, reportedly reducing the effectiveness of said rounds by 25% and 50% each. Starting with the MBT-22-F in 1980, all MBT-22 models have been equipped with blowout panels to minimize the risk of a catastrophic explosion caused by cook off. Since 1990, NERA has been available for the MBT-22 series and since 1995, Mk. I "Shield" Electro-Optical Active Protection Systems has been available for installation on MBT-22 series tanks, and since 2015, the Mk. II "Dagger" Hard Kill Active Protection System has also been made available. The MBT-22 is equipped with a nuclear, biological, and chemical (NBC) protection system. The interior of the turret and the hull are lined with a special fire-resistant fabric comprised of a boron compound, meant to reduce penetrating radiation that could be caused by operating in the proximity of a radiological incident. In addition, radiation detection equipment is built into the tank. The crew is supplied clean air via an air filter system and a slight overpressure prevents contamination entering the tank from bearings or joints. Use of an autoloader enables more efficient forced smoke removal, thus enabling the NBC isolation of the crew compartments to be theoretically maintained indefinitely.
Early variants of the MBT-22 were equipped with active illumination devices for night vision, and it was only in 1995 that the series gained access to FLIR technology to replace it. In addition, early variants also featured coincidence rangefinders and had to be aimed manually, while variants produced after 1976 included laser rangefinders, and in 2017, gained an automated tracking assist system, although manual control is still possible.
The primary weapons system of the MBT-22 series of tanks is the M3125 125mm smoothbore autocannon, capable of firing a multitude of rounds, including APFSDS and HEAT, as well as an ATGM. The maximum effective range of the weapon is 3km for APFSDS/HEAT and 5km for an ATGM (assuming the missile was fired without a drone spotter). The M3125K- the primary APFSDS round of the M3125- is capable of penetrating up to 515mm worth of RHA at 0° slope and 300mm worth of RHA at a 60° slope, weighing in at 23kg overall and 7.44kg for the projectile weight. The M3125T- the primary HEAT round of the M3125- is capable of penetrating up to 300mm worth of RHA at a 60° slope, weighing in at 18.4kg overall and 10kg for the projectile weight.
The M3125 is also capable of firing the RT-2125 "Serpent" gun-launched ATGM. Early versions of this missile used a form of beam riding SACLOS guidance. Upgraded variants began using infrared homing in 2010 as a fire-and-forget guidance system, to enable the tank to seek cover. The RT-2125 uses a 4.5 kilogram HEAT tandem hollow-charge in order to ensure effective penetration of 850mm of RHA-equivalent armor. The minimum range of this missile is 75 meters, while the maximum range varies on the variant. Initial models had a range of 3.5 kilometers, while variants built after the 2010 overhaul sported a range of up to 5.25 kilometers.
Like its predecessors, the MBT-22 series of tanks makes use of an automatic loading system. Therefore, the need for a loader is eliminated and the overall size and mass of the vehicle is reduced. The tank has 18 loading trays arranged in a circle at the bottom of the fighting compartment, with a second circle of 18 on top of the first. A feed system allows the ammunition to rotate around the racks, moving them to the loading slot position. Following this, the ammo is lifted and fed into the gun. The entire process takes 5 seconds. A noted downside to this type of autoloader was the potential for a jack-in-the-box explosion. Later variants that make use of the blowout panels include an armor plate and automated hatch covers the ammunition compartment and loading slot in order to protect the gunner and commander from any potential explosion and to redirect the force of the explosion through the blowout panels on the side of the vehicle. Despite the improvement in safety, this increases the loading time by 2 seconds and does not fully guarantee protection from a jack-in-the-box explosion, although testing reports indicate that the probability of such an event is reduced significantly due to this modification.
Variants
Original Generation (1969-1976)
MBT-22-A (1969-1971)
The initial prototype variant introduced in 1969. It used the fiberglass composite-RHA armor type and was incapable of mounting ERA. This variant used coincidence rangefinders and active illumination devices. The 22-A did not have the capability to fire the RT-2125 ATGM, which would not enter into service until 1976. It also lacked the smoke and chaff launchers of its successors, as well as the turret-mounted 12.7mm machine gun.
MBT-22-B (1971-1974)
Improved variant of the MBT-22-A and the first production variant, introduced in 1971. The primary upgrades included an improved traverse speed and decreased autocannon elevation/depression limitations, as well as the addition of smoke and chaff launchers. Like its predecessor, however, the 22-B did not have the capability to fire the RT-2125 ATGM and was incapable of mounting ERA due to the fiberglass composite-RHA armor type.
MBT-22-C (1974-1976)
Improved variant of the MBT-22-B, introduced in 1974. The primary upgrade was the addition of a turret-mounted 12.7mm machine gun.
Modern Generation (1976-1995)
MBT-22-D (1976-1978)
The first variant to make use of the boron-carbide-aggregate composite-RHA armor type. This variant was also the first to be capable of mounting ERA and firing the RT-2125 ATGM.
MBT-22-E (1978-1980)
The MBT-22-E with a redesigned turret shape, decreased autocannon elevation limitations, and an upgraded engine. This variant was also the first capable of mounting dedicated external fuel tanks for a range improvement from 650 km to 700 km and the first to make use of a laser rangefinder.
MBT-22-F (1980-1986)
The MBT-22-E with a redesigned turret basket to allow for the implementation of blowout panels. This variant was notably more cramped in the turret than previous versions. Was also the first variant to enable the incorporation of a mine plow or a dozer blade, which was made standard on all later vehicle variants.
MBT-22-G (1986-1993)
The MBT-22-F with a turret overhaul to make the turret less cramped and to provide an improved traverse speed. Resulted in an increase in elevation/depression limits.
MBT-22-H (1994-1995)
The attempt to fix the elevation/depression limits in the MBT-22-G by redesigning the turret. Was successful, but short-lived due to the issues with the design.
Millennium Generation (1995-2024)
MBT-22-I (1995-2000)
The MBT-22-F equipped with the Mk. I Electro-Optical APS.
MBT-22-J (2000-2005)
An upgraded version of the MBT-22-I, equipped with a 12.7mm remotely controlled machine gun in place of the older pair of 7.62mm machine guns, and fitted with an upgraded engine and Auxiliary Power Unit. Includes a heavily upgraded electronics suite, including the addition of a rear camera for the driver, a GPS navigation system, and two upgraded thermal sights for the driver.
MBT-22-K (2005-2010)
The MBT-22-J, but with further electronics upgrades, specifically regarding the hardening and protection of electronic equipment.
MBT-22-L (2010-2015)
An upgraded version of the MBT-22-K, replacing the 12.7mm remotely controlled machine gun with two optionally automatic 7.62mm machine guns. In addition, several new pieces of electronic equipment were added, including a chassis management system, an automatic target-tracking system, a meteorological mast, a laser warning receiver, and a crosswind sensor.
MBT-22-M (2015-2025)
Furthered development of the MBT-22-L, adding the Mk. II Hard-Kill APS, in addition to engine and chassis upgrades.
Next Generation (2024-)
MBT-22-NEXT-I (Planned 2024-)
A heavily redesigned version of the MBT-22-M variant. The turret is redesigned to include a separate ammunition compartment on the rear of the turret with its own blowout panels, with the autoloader upgraded to be able to access the ammunition in this compartment, enabling the vehicle to theoretically continue fighting if one ammunition compartment is destroyed. The vehicle is also equipped with an upgraded engine and chassis, upgrades to the electronics and APS systems, as well as additional hardening against EMPs.
Demilitarized Variants (1986-PRESENT)
AEV-22 (1986-PRESENT)
An armored engineering vehicle, derived from the MBT-22-E. In this variant, the main turret is removed to incorporate a bridge-laying device, a crane, additional mine-clearing devices, or excavation equipment. The vehicle is still able to mount ERA/NERA, unlike most other demilitarized variants.
RCV-22 (1990-PRESENT)
A riot control vehicle, derived from the MBT-22-D. Replaces the main armament and autoloader with a remotely-controlled high-pressure water cannon and a large water tank. In addition, the machine guns are replaced with remotely-controlled rubber bullet guns, and the smoke launchers are replaced with tear gas launchers. This variant is in limited use by the Costavozkan Internal Forces for the control of large-scale riots and large fires.
Other Variants (1984-PRESENT)
MAAU-20 (1984-PRESENT)
A self-propelled artillery variant derived from the MBT-22-F, with a 155mm howitzer.
SPAD-1 (2000-PRESENT)
A self-propelled air defense artillery variant derived from the MBT-22-F, with a radar, a pair of 35mm autocannons, and four surface-to-air missile pods.
MORE TBA
We've also got older stuff, but I don't have factbooks for those yet.
Yup, just trying to ICly justify it.
We would like to buy some Type 10 Armoured Transport units pleasee lol
Can I get the Type 22 main battle tank and the Type 10 armoured transport
Telegram me how many you want and from what year, then we can discuss details.
Made some HUGE progress on my 'Overview' factbook this weekend I'm quite proud of, especially as it's sat untouched for months:
Flag
Motto: It Is Not the Sun Rising, but Our Sins
Location
Population: 93,817
-Density: 24.05/km˛
Capital: San Lázaro
Largest City: San Lázaro
Official Language: Spanish
Common Languages: Spanish, English.
Demonym: Ardoran
Government:
- Prime Minister: Rosaria Dolores
- Deputy Prime Minister: José Botas
- Assembly Speaker: Néstor Palacios
Legislature: The National Assembly
Establishment:
Independence from Spain:
· Declared (Monastic Community of Saint Ardor): 1808
· Recognized: 1811
· Most Serene Republic of Alba: 1834
· 2nd Monastic Community of Saint Ardor: 1869
· Parochial Union of Saint Ardor del Alba: 1927
Land Area: 1508~ mile˛
3,900~ km˛
Elevation
Highest Point: Nueva Sinaí, 2,166m
Lowest Point: Mesder Sea, 0m [Sea level]
GDP (nominal): 10.253~ billion [Banking Sector not Included]
GDP (nominal) per capita: 109,287.22 [Banking Sector not Included]
Currency: Lágrima
Time Zone: TWI
Drives on the: Right
Calling code: +345
Internet TLD: .ada
Saint Ardor del Alba
The Parochial Union of Saint Ardor del Alba commonly called Saint Ardor del Alba, is a microstate in the Western Isles. The small nation is governed by a parliamentary representative democracy with a unicameral legislature. It is located in the Mesder Sea region, south of the Raedlon region. Saint Ardor del Alba covers 3,900 square kilometers and has has an estimated population of 90,000 people. Saint Ardor del Alba is comprised of four territories organized into Parishes. The nation's capital and largest city is San Lázaro.
The etymology of Saint Ardor del Alba is rooted in a 15th-century legend centered around Saint Michael Ardor. According to this legend, Saint Michael Ardor and his companions stumbled upon the island during their navigation through unfamiliar waters. This discovery occurred during the early hours of the morning, and the island's snow-covered mountain range presented a remarkable sight as the first rays of dawn illuminated it.
The name "Saint Ardor del Alba" is a direct reflection of this event. It combines the name of Saint Michael Ardor with the Spanish word for dawn, "Alba." Thus, the name is a tribute to the experience of Saint Michael Ardor and his companions, who were struck by the breathtaking view of the morning light reflecting off the snowy peaks.
In simple terms, "Saint Ardor del Alba" can be interpreted as "Saint Burning of Dawn" or "the Saintly Fires of Dawn," underscoring the island's name origins based on the radiant scenery that so impressed its early inhabitants. This etymology reflects the profound spiritual connection and sense of wonder experienced by those who first set eyes on the island during the break of day.
The standard way to refer to a citizen of Saint Ardor del Alba is as an Ardoran.
Early History and Founding (1541-1587)
Saint Ardor del Alba's documented history begins in 1541 with the arrival of Miguel Ardor, a founding member of the Spanish Jesuit Order. Leading a small expedition westward, Ardor stumbled upon the island and, convinced of its sanctity, established the first permanent settlement. This settlement centred around a monastery named "El Monasterio del Olivar," named for the symbolic olive tree planted at its heart.
The island's strategic location in the Western Isles soon attracted Spanish explorers and traders. Over the following decades, the influx of people led to the foundation of additional monasteries and settlements beyond El Monasterio del Olivar. These early communities functioned with a high degree of autonomy, viewing themselves as religious outposts distanced from the worldly concerns of established nations.
However, by the mid-16th century, the island's significance had grown considerably. Its geographical position made it a crucial hub for Spanish trade across the Western Isles. Monasteries and their associated settlements, particularly the port town of San Lázaro established in 1567, flourished due to this strategic importance. This newfound prosperity, however, attracted the attention of the Spanish crown, which sought to impose taxes on the island's wealth. The island's monastic leaders, fiercely protective of their autonomy, fiercely resisted these attempts.
Adding to these concerns were anxieties about potential foreign raiders targeting the island's riches. Thus, in 1587, a turning point arrived. Previously isolated parishes united under the banner of the "Council of Saint Ardor del Alba." This council, driven by a desire for fiscal autonomy and upholding Catholic values, aimed to protect the island's wealth from both external taxation and potential raiders.
While still nominally part of the Spanish Empire, Saint Ardor del Alba entered a period of self-governance led by the island's church leaders. The bishops of San Lázaro and Olivo (the settlement that grew around Miguel Ardor's original monastery) held the most significant authority, wielding a powerful influence within the newly formed Council.
Consolidation and the Rise of San Lázaro (1587-1714)
The late 16th and early 17th centuries witnessed a period of steady growth for Saint Ardor del Alba, fueled by its strategic location within the Western Isles. The port city of San Lázaro emerged as the island's economic powerhouse. Trade with other Western Isle nations flourished, driven by the bounty of the surrounding seas and the success of breweries and vineyards initially established by the monasteries. These enterprises, now independent but still retaining a connection to their religious roots, matured into significant revenue streams for the island, solidifying its economic base.
A defining moment in the nation's history arrived in 1679 with a devastating pirate raid. Pirates from a rival power in the Western Isles descended upon the town of Olivo, inflicting significant damage. However, the true target of the raid, the hidden wealth of the Monasterio del Olivar, remained elusive. Legend recounts how the monks, forewarned of the impending attack, cleverly secreted their valuables high within the Nueva Sinaí mountain range. This tale of Ardoran resourcefulness and cunning in the face of adversity has become an enduring part of national mythology.
The Olivo raid had a profound impact on the island's development. While the town eventually recovered, the attack significantly hampered its growth. San Lázaro, already the island's largest settlement, capitalised on this misfortune and further solidified its position as the undisputed capital. The raid also fueled a growing sense of disillusionment with the Spanish Crown. Parish leaders, particularly those in San Lázaro, blamed Maria Anna of Austria, the regent at the time, for neglecting the island's defences, allowing the pirate attack to occur. This incident marked a turning point in the relationship between Saint Ardor del Alba and the Spanish Empire.
When the War of the Spanish Succession erupted in 1701, the parish leaders, still harbouring resentment towards the Austrian Habsburgs, positioned themselves firmly on the side of the Bourbon faction. Their loyalty proved to be a shrewd political manoeuvre. When the Bourbons emerged victorious, they rewarded Saint Ardor del Alba with special privileges related to trade and internal administration. This act of gratitude further solidified the island's path towards greater autonomy within the Spanish Empire.
The Golden Age: Prosperity and Cultural Flourishing (18th Century)
The 18th century ushered in a period of remarkable prosperity for Saint Ardor del Alba, often referred to as the nation's "Golden Age." A key development in the early years of the century was the rise of Ardoran banking. These institutions emerged directly from the treasuries of the founding parishes, maintaining a close connection to them. Initially competing amongst themselves in San Lázaro and beyond, the Ardoran banks adopted a centralised model inspired by the Bourbon reforms within the Spanish Empire.
Intriguingly, the Ardoran approach to banking incorporated an emphasis on discretion, a legacy inherited from the 16th-century parishes' determination to safeguard their wealth. This focus on secrecy proved to be a valuable asset, attracting leaders and wealthy families across the Western Isles who sought secure financial havens. Two prominent Ardoran banks, San Ignacio Trust and Banco Olivar, trace their lineage directly to this era and remain dominant financial players to this day.
With the treasuries of the parishes flourishing as international financial institutions, the parish leaders, who wielded significant control over these banks, began to accumulate vast personal fortunes. This newfound wealth fueled a vibrant patronage of the arts and significant investments in public infrastructure. A noteworthy outcome of this period was the development and widespread adoption of the Figaresque architectural style, also known as San Ardoran Baroque. This distinct style, characterised by its ornate flourishes and dramatic use of light and shadow, left an indelible mark on the nation's cultural heritage and is still evident in many of Saint Ardor del Alba's buildings, from grand churches to public squares.
Another defining characteristic of the 18th century was the growth of the island's ports, particularly San Lázaro. The capital city transformed into a cosmopolitan hub, attracting migrants and traders from across the Western Isles. Notably, a large influx of Mauricans arrived following the occupation of their homeland, the Kingdom of Bauma, by the United Republics of Dormill and Stiura. These Mauricans brought with them their rich cultural heritage, influencing Ardoran cuisine, music, and even religious practices. Beyond Mauricans, San Lázaro's port bustled with activity due to traders and settlers from various corners of the Western Isles, all seeking access to the wider Mesder Sea region. This influx of people further diversified the island's population and fostered a more cosmopolitan atmosphere within the capital.
The Spanish Crown also played a role in the island's development during this period. Recognizing the growing population's need for sustainable food sources, the Crown invested in cultivating high-altitude crops suitable for the island's mountainous terrain. Among these, tobacco emerged as a particularly successful cash crop, thriving in the island's higher elevations and generating significant revenue. This new income stream further bolstered the island's economy and solidified its position as a prosperous trading hub.
The 19th Century: Independence, Turmoil, and Transformation
The 19th century proved to be a period of significant upheaval for Saint Ardor del Alba. The golden age of the 18th century came to an abrupt end with the Napoleonic Wars. When Napoleon invaded Spain in 1808, the parish leaders of Saint Ardor del Alba, wielding considerable administrative and economic power through their control of banks and other institutions, followed the lead of other Spanish colonies and declared independence. This new nation, christened the "Monastic Community of Saint Ardor," achieved its independence bloodlessly. Unlike larger colonies facing the full might of the Spanish Empire, Saint Ardor's minuscule size and existing self-governance structure made it a low priority for imperial forces.
However, freedom brought its own challenges. Severed from the steady flow of goods and food previously supplied by the Spanish Empire, the fledgling Monastic Community faced a period of economic hardship and food insecurity. The island's vulnerability was further exacerbated by occasional raids from larger imperialist powers within the Western Isles. These early decades of independence were a time of struggle and uncertainty.
In 1833, a new force emerged to challenge the established power structure. Mercantilist organisations that had evolved from traders and merchants, particularly the powerful "Casa del Comercio" based in San Lázaro, grew increasingly dissatisfied with the economic turmoil and the dominance of the religious leaders. Inspired by burgeoning liberal movements sweeping Europe and other parts of the Western Isles, these new bourgeois elites demanded a greater role in shaping the island's future.
This demand for change culminated in 1834 with the transformation of the Monastic Community of Saint Ardor into the "Most Serene Republic of Alba." This new republic embraced key ideals: male, land-owning suffrage, the abolition of slavery, and a commitment to free trade. This period witnessed a surge in national consciousness, with traditions being codified and a national identity forged. Influences from Catholicism, Spain, and, increasingly, elements of Maurican culture (the largest ethnic group on the island, with many Casa del Comercio leaders being of Maurican descent) were interwoven to create a unique Ardoran culture.
The Most Serene Republic embarked on ambitious nation-building projects. The nation's first constitution was drafted, a military established, and efforts undertaken to modernise the economy. However, the idealism of the early republic gave way to factionalism and infighting among the ruling elites. Political gridlock hampered progress, leaving the island vulnerable to external threats. A devastating outbreak of scarlet fever in 1852 tragically underscored the nation's internal divisions. This highly contagious disease claimed 20% of the population's lives, disproportionately affecting the poor and further straining the fragile social fabric.
Lines were drawn between conservative elements, often aligned with banking interests, large landowners, and rural leaders, and the more liberal factions supported by shipping magnates, sailor unions, the petit bourgeoisie, and civil servants. This political deadlock resulted in a period of stagnation known as the "Isla Olvidada" (Forgotten Island) that dominated the 1850s and most of the 1860s. Public unrest reached a boiling point in 1869 with a series of tit-for-tat political assassinations. The most high-profile incident involved the assassination of Father Delgado, the head of the San Lázaro Parish, by a radical dock worker named Juan Tortosa.
This act of violence proved to be a turning point. The conservative Prime Minister, Mariano Ortega, with the backing of the military and many within the government yearning for stability, seized power. In 1869, he abolished the constitution and reformed the nation into the "Second Monastic Community of Saint Ardor." This new state dissolved the republic, re-establishing a system under the control of the religious leaders. However, one key reform from the republican era was retained: the abolition of slavery.
Mariano Ortega, a devout man with close ties to San Ignacio Trust, one of the nation's largest banks, orchestrated a consolidation of power back into the hands of the parish leaders. He modernised the previously loose coalition of dozens of priests, clerks, and bureaucrats into a more efficient governing body. This new structure centred around four key parishes:
· San Lázaro Parish, encompassing the capital city in the east.
· Campo Verde Parish, governing Olivo and surrounding villages in the west.
· Sierra Esperanza Parish, responsible for the northern mountain range and its villages.
· Santa Cruz Parish, overseeing the southern half of the island's mountains and towns, with Mariano Ortega himself serving as leader.
This "Rule of Four," as it came to be known, aligned itself with the island's most powerful oligarchs. They leveraged their control of the banks to secure foreign aid and tighten their grip on power. However, this consolidation wasn't without resistance.
On April 23rd, 1870, upon the establishment of the new government, a popular uprising erupted. Led by liberal and radical factions within the army and San Lázaro's working class, this event became known as "Saint George's Rose" or the "Rising of the Roses." While the uprising initially enjoyed some success in seizing control of the capital, the new government, bolstered by foreign military assistance, swiftly crushed the rebellion.
The brutal repression of the Saint George's Rose effectively crippled any significant liberal movements within Saint Ardor del Alba for the foreseeable future. It further solidified the power of Mariano Ortega and the Rule of Four. Ortega and his fellow parish leaders ruled for the next several decades. While a council ostensibly oversaw governance, it was clear that power ultimately resided with Ortega. Any leader who dared to challenge his authority was swiftly replaced with a loyal follower. Ortega remained in power until his death from stomach cancer in 1925 at the age of 96.
This period, spanning 1870 to the mid-1920s, witnessed a number of significant developments on the island. In 1880, the palatial "Casino del Sol" was constructed in San Lázaro. This Neo-Baroque complex served as a deliberate homage to the island's earlier San Ardoran Baroque style. This era also saw the birth of several prestigious cultural institutions, including the Ardoran Opera House, Orchestra, and San Lázaro Ballet Company. The Ortega regime entrusted the education system entirely to the Jesuits, a decision whose influence persists today, with Jesuit institutions still holding sway over 70% of schools in contemporary Saint Ardor del Alba.
Another hallmark of this period was the introduction of electricity and the construction of the "Túnel Central," a tunnel system linking San Lázaro and Olivo through the mountain range that bisects the island. These ambitious projects were financed not only through the banks' and oligarchs' direct access to power, but also through the strategic attraction of foreign investment. With the emergence of tourism, Ortega's regime actively promoted the island as a tourist destination. This strategy proved remarkably successful, and tourism remains a vital pillar of the Ardoran economy to this day.
However, beneath the surface of progress, discontent simmered. Locals resented the preferential treatment given to foreign investors over their own ventures. Strict censorship, imposed to uphold traditional Catholic values, stifled freedom of expression. As the 20th century approached, a sense of malaise settled over the nation, fueled by the stagnant leadership of the ageing Ortega regime and its growing detachment from the realities of a modernising world.
While the early decades of the Second Monastic Community witnessed a population increase from around 30,000 to 50,000, the turn of the century brought a shift. Disillusioned young Ardorans, particularly those with higher education, increasingly sought opportunities beyond the island's shores. The Ortega regime's waning years were marked by stagnation in industry, politics, culture, and other sectors of society.
The Death of Ortega and the Dawn of Democracy
Mariano Ortega's passing in 1925 ushered in a period of significant change for Saint Ardor del Alba. The nation, facing mounting pressure for modernization from both international investors and progressive movements within, sought to avoid another violent uprising like the "Rising of the Roses." In recognition of this need, a new democratic constitution was drafted in 1927. This document transformed the Second Monastic Community into the "Parochial Union of Saint Ardor del Alba," marking a significant step towards a more representative form of government.
This new democracy embraced a far wider franchise than its 19th-century predecessor. Universal suffrage and free education became cornerstones of the new political system. Notably, this era also witnessed the official formation of the two main political parties that continue to define Ardoran politics to this day:
· The Christian Brotherhood Party: This conservative party drew upon the island's deep-rooted Catholic traditions and advocated for fiscal conservatism and laissez-faire capitalism.
· The Common Cause Party: Representing the island's historical currents of liberalism, this party championed the creation and support of strong labour unions, progressive social movements, and policies aligned with social democratic ideals.
The year 1927 marked a historic moment with the nation's first democratic elections. This event unfolded against a backdrop of growing turmoil across the Western Isles, as the region edged closer to the looming 
"Imperial War". Capitalising on public anxieties about the approaching conflict, the Christian Brotherhood Party, largely composed of figures from the previous regime, secured a narrow victory over the Common Cause Party, which struggled with internal divisions regarding the island's position in the brewing international crisis.
Despite the political uncertainty, the late 1920s and early 1930s were a period of relative optimism and prosperity. The return of democracy fostered a general sense of well-being, further bolstered by the economic boom fueled by a burgeoning tourism industry. This era, fondly referred to as the "New Dawn" in Ardoran popular culture, was remembered as a time of social progress, advancements in civil rights, and economic growth.
The Imperial War and the Farcical Reign of Arno Sey
As the 1930s progressed, the situation in the Western Isles deteriorated further. Meanwhile, the Christian Brotherhood Party leadership remained seemingly oblivious to the escalating tensions, focusing primarily on basic preparedness measures. This vulnerable state left the nation susceptible to the influence of Arno Sey, a charismatic con man from the nearby nation of Solaryia.
Sey promised a path towards modernization and militarization, captivating a significant portion of the island's business and cultural elite with his grandiose pronouncements. His persuasive rhetoric ultimately convinced enough oligarchs to back his claim to the throne. Briefly, the Parochial Union was transformed into the Kingdom of Saint Ardor del Alba, with Sey crowned as King Arno I.
While Sey's ten-day reign was nothing short of farcical, characterised by flamboyant events, whimsical parades, and bizarre decrees, his vision of transforming the island into a tax haven inadvertently laid the foundation for the nation's future economic trajectory, a cornerstone of Saint Ardor del Alba's modern economy.
The military leadership, recognizing the absurdity of the situation, staged an intervention, bringing Sey's outlandish reign to an abrupt end. Despite his arrest, Sey managed a daring escape, disappearing from public view forever. Rumours persist about a network of underground connections facilitating his disappearance, although these remain unsubstantiated.
Following Sey's ten-day escapade, the Parochial Union of Saint Ardor del Alba and its democratic system were restored. The backers of Sey's brief reign faced legal repercussions, although the policies of diplomatic neutrality and establishing a tax haven were retained. With a renewed sense of direction due to the Sey debacle, the Christian Brotherhood Party, albeit with a reduced majority, secured victory in the subsequent election of 1937. The party's diminished support was likely due to the Arno Sey fiasco, despite the conman's unexpected popularity among some ordinary citizens who viewed him as a Robin Hood figure, a notion still debated to this day.
Crucially, during the Imperial War itself, the Christian Brotherhood Party managed to maintain the nation's neutrality. By providing services to both sides of the conflict, Saint Ardor del Alba skillfully avoided the devastation that ravaged much of the Western Isles.
The Post-War Era: Modernization and Moral Strictures (1940s-1960s)
Following the exuberance of the New Dawn era, life in Saint Ardor del Alba settled into a more familiar rhythm in the post-war decades of the 1940s and 1950s. This period left a complex legacy.
On the one hand, the nation undeniably modernised in step with the rest of the world. Technological advancements like televisions, refrigerators, cars, and other consumer goods became widely adopted, leading to a significant improvement in the material lives of Ardorans compared to previous generations. This era also saw a baby boom fueled by newfound prosperity.
However, this modernization coexisted with a strong undercurrent of conservative religious values. Strict social norms remained firmly entrenched, and both local and international media and entertainment were heavily censored to align with these "traditional values."
Modern-day Ardoran society reflects this duality. Conservatives often point to this period as a golden age, where robust capitalism brought prosperity to the people while traditional Christian values guided life at home. Left-wingers, on the other hand, express a more critical perspective. They lament the restrictions placed on freedom of expression and criticise the unbridled consumerism that came to define the era.
Politically, the Christian Brotherhood Party maintained a dominant position, securing six consecutive electoral victories between 1942 and 1967.
The 1960s and 1970s: Cultural Revolution and Political Upheaval
The 1960s marked a period of significant social and political upheaval in Saint Ardor del Alba. The winds of cultural revolution, sweeping across the globe, reached the shores of the small island nation, inspiring a generation of young Ardorans to rebel against the conservative Catholic values that had defined their upbringing. This movement encompassed a broad range of concerns, sparking widespread social tensions across generational lines. Issues such as individual rights, human sexuality, women's liberation, respect for authority, racial equality, and experimentation with psychoactive drugs became central to public discourse.
This new wave of cultural experimentation found expression not only domestically but also in the influence of international trends. Radio stations like "Radio Avalancha" emerged as hubs for the counterculture movement, disseminating music and ideas that challenged the established social order.
Buoyed by this groundswell of popular support and with the trauma of the Imperial War receding into memory, the Common Cause Party scored a landslide victory in the 1972 election. Federico Tabés, the newly elected Prime Minister, ushered in a period of progressive reforms under the banner of the party's large majority in the National Assembly.
Among the key achievements of the Tabés administration were the establishment of revamped national welfare programs and the introduction of ArdSalud, the first iteration of the nation's healthcare system. These initiatives marked significant victories for the Ardoran left. The Tabés government further advanced its social agenda by pushing for legal protections for women and minorities. Legislation aimed at combating workplace discrimination and closing the gender pay gap were key components of this reform effort.
Much like the preceding decades, the 1970s remained a period of political polarisation. Progressives hailed the era as a time of significant progress in advancing civil rights and socialist policies. Conservatives, however, lamented the cost of newly implemented welfare and healthcare programs. More extreme elements within the conservative camp expressed anxieties about the erosion of traditional values, and these anxieties were reflected in much of the media at the time.
The 1970s also witnessed a pivotal shift in the Ardoran economy, fueled by the explosive growth of the tourism industry. The introduction of several annual music festivals, such as the "Saint Ardor Fall Festival," attracted artists from across the Western Isles and spurred the development of new beach resorts across the island.
However, this economic expansion was not without its critics. While the burgeoning tourism industry boosted national revenue and offered numerous employment opportunities, its global exposure clashed with the more isolationist sentiments of some political circles.
Tabés' legacy is further complicated by his vocal stance against the ethnic violence erupting in the neighbouring nation of The Tsunterlands. As a person of Maurican descent himself, Tabés frequently criticised the Tsunterland government's handling of the conflict between the Tsunter and Maurican populations. This intervention strained relations between the two nations, exposing a potential conflict between Tabés' personal convictions and the nation's official policy of neutrality.
The 1980s and 1990s: Economic Downturn, Neoliberal Reform, and Technological Transformation
The waning years of the counterculture movement coincided with a period of economic hardship for Saint Ardor del Alba. The 1980s were marked by the Gael Market Crash, a financial crisis that ravaged several major nations within the broader Gael region of the Western Isles. Though geographically distant from Gael, Saint Ardor del Alba was deeply entangled in the crisis due to its reliance on foreign investors and investments from the affected nations. This vulnerability led to bank runs on Ardoran banks, effectively spreading the economic turmoil to the island.
A vivid illustration of the crisis was the series of rolling electrical blackouts experienced in San Lázaro, the capital city. With many of its energy suppliers embroiled in the economic downturn, the Ardoran government struggled to meet the nation's power demands.
The Christian Brotherhood Party seized upon the economic hardship, launching a campaign that blamed the Common Cause Party for the nation's woes. Playing upon anxieties about fiscal responsibility and the dangers of straying from its traditional neutral and insular foreign policy, the Christian Brotherhood Party successfully capitalised on public discontent to reclaim power in the 1982 election.
This electoral victory ushered in a period of neoliberal economic policies that mirrored global trends of the era. Over the next two decades, the Christian Brotherhood Party pursued an agenda of deregulation, dismantling many oversight measures on Ardoran companies. While these policies impacted various sectors, the banking industry witnessed the most dramatic growth. Four major banks – Banco Olivar, San Ignacio Trust, Resubank, and Sovereign Holdings – rapidly absorbed much of the competition and expanded their influence across the Western Isles, gaining significant sway within the nation's political landscape.
The 1980s, despite being an era of conservative resurgence, inadvertently paved the way for a more open media landscape. The lingering censorship policies from the 1940s and 1950s were finally repealed during this period. While the Christian Brotherhood Party claimed sole credit for this shift, the groundwork had actually been laid by the Tabés administration's gradual dismantling of censorship measures in the 1970s.
The liberalisation of the media, particularly evident in the explosion of new radio stations, challenged the dominance of "Radio Avalancha," which had been at the forefront of the counterculture movement in the previous decades.
The late 1980s and early 1990s witnessed another transformative development: the adoption of new technologies. The internet revolutionised communication in Saint Ardor del Alba, prompting the government to invest in educational programs aimed at bridging the digital divide. This newfound ease of global communication fostered a flourishing cultural exchange. Ardoran artists and musicians gained access to a wider audience, while foreign influences enriched the island's cultural scene.
However, the 1990s also presented new challenges. Increased competition from other tourist destinations and the growing threat of transnational crime demanded new approaches from the Ardoran government.
The 2000s: The Fall of the Christian Brotherhood and the Rise of Eco-Consciousness
The turn of the millennium witnessed the waning dominance of the Christian Brotherhood Party. While the preceding three decades had nurtured a booming tourism industry, rivalling the nation's financial sector for the top spot in the Ardoran economy, a global economic downturn triggered by the bursting of the dot-com bubble had a significant impact. Saint Ardor del Alba's heavy reliance on online travel booking left its tourism industry particularly vulnerable. In response, the government implemented stimulus packages and actively encouraged economic diversification beyond tourism.
The Christian Brotherhood Party also faced growing public criticism regarding its lack of environmental policies. The party's continued dependence on imported oil and gas to power the nation drew condemnation for its unsustainable practices.
Culturally, a backlash emerged against the unfettered greed of the 1980s and 1990s. Popular media brimmed with parodies and scathing critiques of Christian Brotherhood leaders, reflecting a widespread perception of corruption and moral decay.
Despite this growing discontent, the Christian Brotherhood managed to secure victories in both the 2002 and 2007 elections, seemingly solidifying their position as the default ruling party. However, this illusion of stability was shattered only a few months after their 2007 win by a scandal that would come to be known as the "Trillo Affair."
The Trillo Affair marked a turning point in Ardoran politics, dismantling the Christian Brotherhood Party's long-held dominance. Juan Trillo, a star within the party during its neoliberal heyday, became embroiled in a shocking scandal. Formerly a board member of the powerful Banco Olivar, Trillo was exposed as the financial mastermind behind a number of high-profile international criminal organizations, including the notorious pirate Bluebeard of Verska. This revelation unveiled a complex web of corruption, with Trillo not only financing Bluebeard's daring thefts but also managing the stolen riches.
The scandal triggered a series of events. Trillo was apprehended, and authorities recovered a portion of the stolen loot. Public outrage over the affair severely tarnished the Christian Brotherhood Party's reputation. Party leaders were implicated in the scandal, having accepted bribes from Trillo to keep his activities shrouded in secrecy. This web of corruption culminated in a crushing defeat for the party during the 2008 snap elections, called in response to the public outcry.
The Trillo Affair also had a significant impact on the banking system. The public, who had long harboured suspicions about international organised crime using Ardoran banks to launder money, lost trust after the scandal. This erosion of trust paved the way for the establishment of the nation's first anti-corruption commission under the newly elected Prime Minister, Jessica del Prado, and her Common Cause Party.
The scale of the Common Cause Party's victory in the 2008 elections was so overwhelming that the Christian Brotherhood Party, in a desperate attempt to regain a foothold, rebranded itself as the Family Party and underwent a significant internal reorganisation. Despite these efforts, the party has remained in opposition ever since.
The Del Prado Era: Anti-Corruption and Social Welfare (2008-2018)
The return of the Common Cause Party to power under Prime Minister Jessica del Prado, the nation's first female leader, marked a significant shift from the party's previous incarnation under Federico Tabés in the 1970s. While retaining its leftist orientation compared to the newly christened Family Party, the Common Cause Party under del Prado embraced many neo-liberal positions. This shift involved a move away from its traditional close ties with trade unions and a cultivation of a stronger connection with the middle class.
Gone were the party's earlier commitments to achieving social justice through mass collectivism and activism on behalf of the working class. Instead, del Prado's approach drew inspiration from ethical and Christian socialist principles, which some viewed as a modern or liberal form of socialism.
Two core principles defined Prime Minister del Prado's decade in office:
· Anti-Corruption Measures: Comprehensive anti-corruption legislation was enacted, supplemented by the establishment of independent commissions tasked with investigating wrongdoing. These measures aimed to restore public trust in government institutions and combat endemic corruption.
· Social Welfare Programs: Existing social programs were expanded, and new initiatives were introduced to address pressing issues like income inequality and poverty. Universal basic income became a central policy plank for the Common Cause Party under del Prado's leadership.
Overall, the period between 2008 and 2018 was marked by a national economic recovery. The nation successfully navigated the aftermath of the dot-com bust, fueled by a renewed focus on sustainable tourism and a burgeoning e-commerce sector. Saint Ardor del Alba's strategic location, positioned as a vital stop for shipping lanes traversing the Mesder Sea, further bolstered its economic prosperity.
Current Day, Decency and Reform
Despite her political leanings, Jessica del Prado garnered respect across the Ardoran political spectrum. Even those with right-wing ideologies acknowledged her unwavering commitment to weeding out corruption in both government and big business. Her dedication to her Christian values also resonated with many citizens.
The 2018 election, notable for the debut of the environmentally-focused Green Party (the Eden Party), witnessed a break in the traditional two-party system for the first time. Although the Eden Party secured only one seat in the National Assembly, their emergence signalled a potential shift in the political landscape.
Following this election, however, Prime Minister del Prado chose to step down from party leadership. The tragic loss of her teenage daughter to leukaemia a year prior prompted her desire to focus on family life after completing her term.
The mantle of leadership within the Common Cause Party fell upon Rosaria Dolores, del Prado's Deputy Prime Minister. Dolores has successfully steered the party to victories in both the 2018 and 2023 elections, and continues to serve as Prime Minister of Saint Ardor del Alba at present.
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Rank | City | Metro area population | State |
1 | San Lázaro | 60,000 | San Lázaro Parish |
2 | Olivo | 15,000 | Campo Verde Parish |
3 | Carmen de la Luna | 5,000 | Santa Cruz Parish |
4 | Dorado | 4,000 | Santa Cruz Parish |
5 | Mariposa | 3,000 | Sierra Esperanza Parish |
6 | Valle Encarnación | 2,000 | Sierra Esperanza Parish |
7 | Aurora | 1,500 | Sierra Esperanza Parish |
8 | Nuevo Potosí | 1,200 | Sierra Esperanza Parish |
9 | Faz Llorona | 1,000 | Sierra Esperanza Parish |
10 | San Juan Baptista | 750 | Sierra Esperanza Parish |
The politics of Saint Ardor de Alba take place in a framework of a parliamentary representative democracy with a unicameral legislature, and of a pluriform multi-party system. The prime minister is the chief executive.
Foreign Relations and Military
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Finally have a history section, as well as the finishing details on the sidebar. Still subject to change as more details get added or taken away, especially once everyone I've reached out to either gives the thumbs up or would like some things amended. And of course, I'll be adding images over the next couple days too.
And since I'm sharing, writing this history has given me some inspiration for a short story I would like to develop on my nation.
I've been considering setting up a Djibouti-style situation with multiple foreign military bases on the island, even from nations that compete with each other. Not to overcomplicate it, I was wondering if there are 2 particularly powerful militaries in TWI that are rivals to each other that would be up for setting up military bases on little old Saint Ardor. The story I wanted to develop would be a sort of spy thriller set on the island, and I think having these two competing powers have a military presence would be a great set-up.
Ioudaia, The Tsunterlands, and Yektov
viewtopic.php?f=4&t=337003&p=41516090#p41516090
Uryad to vote for new worker safety bill April 19th, New trade deal signed with Platina
Mentioned: -Platina
O U R—D A Y—H A S—C O M E
you wouldn't download a factbook???
“If liberty is not entire, it is not liberty”
- George Keeting,
1st Prime Minister of Reann
E N C Y C L O P E D I A—O F—R E A N N
Type | 6x6 amphibious armored personnel carrier |
Place of origin | Reann |
In service | 1981 - |
Designer | Reannese Automotive Corporation (RAC) Defence Solutions |
Manufacturer | RAC Defence Solutions |
Mass | 13.5 tons |
Length | 7.35 meters |
Width | 2.9 meters |
Height | 2.77 meters |
Crew | 2 crew + 16 passengers |
Main armament | MG-60 12.7 mm heavy machine gun |
Engine | TVR 81 & TVR 81M: RAC 611 DSBJA, diesel, I6, turbocharged, intercooled, 6.6L, 240hp, 825nm |
Top speed | TVR 81: 105km/h |
The Reannese Automotive Corporation TVR 81 “Rathna” (Reannese: Tairmutne Vedir ha Ranai, lit. armored infantry carrier) is a Reannese-made armored personnel carrier platform originating from the late 1970s. Designed as a part of a greater reform of the Reannese Defence Forces, the TVR platform was designed to combine ease of use and maintenance and the first domestically designed and manufactured armored personnel carrier of Reann. It is a 6x6 wheeled vehicle, with all of the base variants being amphibious except the 81/06, due to increased armor. Originally utilized solely as an armored personnel carrier, it has been extensively customized to fit various roles, such as engineering.
Starting from 2023, it is being replaced by the TVR 23, which shares many of the design concepts with its predecessor.
Design
The base variants of the TVR 81 series can be equipped with a wide range of armaments, however the standard armament for all of the base variants is the 12.7mm MG-60. On the 81, 81M and the 81/93, the heavy machine gun is placed on a rotating carriage structure in a separate compartment from the rest of the vehicle, center-left of the vehicle behind the driver. Some Reannese used test vehicles were outfitted with an automatic grenade launcher as well as a recoilless gun; results of both were considered feasible, however unfavorable by the RDF. Unlike its predecessors, the 81/06 utilizes a remote weapon station with smoke launchers, increasing the overall protection of the vehicle and allowing the gunner to remain in the cover of the vehicle while operating the main armament.
The carriage structure additionally allows for the installation of various models of autocannons on the vehicle, with the additional downside of an already tall vehicle, as well as losing a part of the crew space.
The first production models of the TVR 81 are surrounded with 6-12mm of armor, capable of stopping small arms fire and shrapnell. The bottom of the vehicle has been strengthened to withstand landmines, with the armour designed to attempt to push the explosive force away from the center parts of the vehicle.
Produced by a truck company, the platform utilizes several features from off-road lorries and maintains several common parts with off-road lorries utilized by the RDF. The vehicles have an in-house engine design, with the RAC 611 and 612 models, providing the vehicle with a reliable engine design and strong torque. All of the base variants are provided with two 145 liter fuel tanks, giving the 81M variant an average range of 600 kilometers. The engine and the transmission have been periodically updated with each base variant. The vehicles have automatic transmission, with the capacity to manually change gears during off-road usage. Notable in the early production variants was that the torque convertor mechanism used would easily cause the engine to stall during an emergency brake, as the convertor would “lock” during high engine revs to reduce stress on the mechanism.
Variants
TVR 81 - original production variant, developed in 1981.
TVR 81/93 - upgraded production variant with an improved engine and transmission, developed in 1993.
TVR 81M - upgraded variant of the original production variant, outfitted with many of the upgrades found in the 81/93.
TVR 81/06 - upgraded production variant, with increased armour, improved optics and the remote weapon station.
Alongside the base variants, various sub-models exist for specific roles, including medical, communications, command, air defence and engineering.
Operators
Reann
Reannese Defence ForcesCostavozka
Coztavozkan Army
Coztavozkan Navy
New Edevar Riot Response Force
Not exactly an armored car, but an APC based on a truck chassis, with a focus on ease of use, maintenance and modularity. Nothing fancy, nothing complicated really.
Based on the irl XA-185 Pasi
I don’t have any equipment to sell you, but I do suggest you read about the Cadillac Cage Commando in Vietnam and the effect it had. It played a major role in rear line security.
Also, if you use armored cars instead of tanks, I suggest using them in the infantry support capacity and using tanks as a reserve anti-tank resource.
Since other people are offering equipment, this is what i have available for purchase
Overview:
The Armored Recon Vehicle (ARV) is a domesticly designed and produced vehicle designed for armored recon. It's primary role was to actively scout out unknown areas while being protected and capable of limited combat. Fitted with a 76mm gun, it is the favored vehicle for armored recon. The ARV-70 is also excellent for amphibious assaults due to their light mission load and speed.
It is also used as a tank trainer.
Design and Features:
The ARV-70 was the first of its kind in Domanania. The ARV-70 would enter service in 1972 along with its variants. The variants were the ARV-A (armored fighting vehicle), the ARV-APC (Armored Personnel Carrier), and the ARV-R (Armored Recovery Vehicle). The ARV had propellers and trim vanes for amphibious use.
The ARV was reviewed in 2015 and found to still be adequate for military service as is until the next review in 2025
Mission Equipment:
The ARV was originally fitted with a 76mm tank gun which was capable of firing HESH, Smoke, and Canister rounds. This would later be changed to 12.7mm or 7.62mm machine guns.
On recon missions, the ARV would carry a high power radio. It had a crew of 5 (Gunner, Driver, Commander, 2 infantry) which were capable of accurately scouting the mission area. It often only carried 10-15 rounds of ammo for the main gun.
When operating as an APC, it could only carry 6 infantry, along with 1 driver and 1 commander. A short coming of the ARV-APC was that as mission load outs changed for infantry, a squad could not carry their full load as the interior was often cramped. As such, the ARV-APC was used by light or specialist infantry.
ARV-70's In Service:
The ARV-70 is still operated today. It is primarily used as a quick armored recon unit embedded in armored battalions, and as a light vehicle recovery platform. It still excels in its armored recon roll.
Variants:
ARV-70: Armored Recon Vehicle with 76mm Gun
ARV-APC: ARV-70 without the main gun, used as an APC
ARV-R: Armored Recovery Vehicle
Weight: 10 tonnes
Length: 5.97m
Width: 2.50m
Crew: 2-3 + 2-6 passengers
Main Armament: 76mm
Secondary Armament: 1x 7.62 machine gun or 1x 12.7mm Heavy machine gun
Armor: Protection from small arms, RPG's, and IED's
Engine: 275 hp Diesel two-cycle turbo-charged
Suspension: 6x6
Operational range: 780 km
Speed: 100 km/h
Operators:
Domanania
I got so used to the site being down I was surprised when my nation popped up
Segentova, Amestrris, Martenyika, Kaskalma, and 2 othersTricklandia, and Takiv
Samudera how are you coping with the cards disaster
Finally
Hey everyone
Well we live to see another day of NS
Kaskalma and Great Altera
TWI discord kept me on life support during the outage
now's the time to mess with the challenge feature given how wonky census stats are
my level went up by 10 and it's decreasing every time I check. That's probably more and more census readings coming back online
«12. . .24,39724,39824,39924,40024,40124,40224,403. . .24,40624,407»
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