Confederation of Corrupt DictatorsBoard

Any discussion of geopolitics must begin with a discussion of peoples, as people are the creative interpreters of the natural world who imbue it with ethical dimensions. The ethical-interpretive power of human subjectivity is the origin of all political will, and the universal implications inherent to the concept of an ethical reality guarantee that the ramifications of a political will must find their ends on a universal scale, even where they may emanate from the realm of the highly particular (i.e. the particularity implied by national self-consciousness, the cultural institutions underpinning a tribal identity, collective self-determination in contradistinction to an extrinsic alien influence). My line of thought begins with the notion that the Confederation rightly constitutes a national unit and that the variety of disparate interests, local and factional, ought to be engineered to accomplish a harmonious pan-nationalist synthesis.

The very premise of this thought has been criticized on the grounds that the cultural similarities between the member states of the Confederation have been overstated in my argument, that the methods I propose to accomplish the pan-national unification rely too much on brute force and coercion and therefore would foment resentment, and still yet others claim that the complexity of the vocabulary and syntax with which these ideas are conveyed somehow invalidates the worth of the argument being made by them. The last of these objections is the most preposterous, since it can only be blamed upon lack of patience or a preference for the insubstantial one-liners of the careerist hack politicians which the Imperial Senate is infested with. These people cannot be convinced, because they revolt against sophisticated argument in itself and refuse to so much as think.

As for the objections to the ISV platform on grounds of opposing the principle, the notion that the Confederation's member states have not yet sufficient cultural proximity to form a nation-state may have some currency if one looks merely at objective facts and analyzes them on their own merit, but objectivity in itself has limits. The refusal to recognize this fact is a symptom of a positivistic mentality. The power of myth is indispensable to moving social transformation, and myth arises not through purely rationalistic assessment of the state of affairs a posteriori but through the promulgation and exultation of the demands of the mass movement in the framework of grandiose metaphor. This presupposes that a mass movement must already exist to rally around the myth. The instinct to seek all the solutions to the ailments of the human condition through the panacea of "human reason" is a figment of positivism, an ideological dead-end that seeks the extermination of dynamic change through political will by reifying in its place the utopian vision of a world which may be automatically perfectible through "reasoned" compromise and the implementation of technological innovations. Human reason, as conceived by the positivist, is not so great that the mere advance of the sphere of knowledge can create a utopia beyond cause to coercive methods, and I do not genuinely believe that this was the implication intended by the ISV's critics either. The positivistic instinct's suspension in favor of the uncompromising conviction to conquer, and at having accomplished that, to violently reorder the inefficient system which oppresses the general will to conform with its designs, is the ultimate motive force of sociopolitical change. This constitutes a total rejection of reform in favor of revolution, a rejection of peace in favor of war, a rejection of utopia in favor of myth, and a rejection of compromise in favor of violence.

Through this discourse, I should hope that the critics of my premises and my methods may understand the basis of their formulation. The mass movement to act as the vanguard for the New State was intended by me to be the ISV. The irony that the ISV is admittedly one of the least popular parties does not bother me, for I have full confidence in the selfishness and pettiness of my rivals, the inadequacy of the system as presently constituted, and the correctness of my own philosophy. Contrary to what the leader of the Socialist Unity Front seems to think, I have no intention to seize power when I am ill-prepared to do so. To make such a senseless, greedy thrust at the title of the President without the capacity to implement my policy would only undermine my greater initiative. I freely admit that I see it in my interest to promote the election of those grasping rival politicians who are most likely from my assessment to destroy themselves and in so doing render the invaluable service of eroding the establishmentarian complacency which rots the Senate to its core. Once all the opposition to the ISV has nullified themselves through avarice, lack of vision, and incompetence, as they are bound to do, then the ISV's time will come, and the ISV will achieve its destiny. The day of the New State will arrive.

But enough about the party and its philosophy. This discussion concerns geopolitics and population policy. The first fact of geopolitics vis-a-vis the Confederation's foreign affairs is that it is resolutely opposed by an insufferable bloc consisting of the most powerful regions in the world, which informally unite together to dominate the World Assembly and use it as a hammer with which to enforce its will upon the rest of the world and advance the cause of liberalistic government. This bloc is known to us as the WA Elite and represents the antithesis of the Confederation's goals and values in all respects. The Confederation is a political entity based on the idea that embrace of authority is the answer to the political problems which face mankind; the WA Elite rallies around the idea that the solution to such problems must be submitted to diplomacy, in order so that they might be resolved through international concordat. Paradoxically, the WA Elite also believes in the usage of the proscriptive capabilities of the Security Council to enforce its "humanitarianism" upon the entire world, such as by artificially imposing difficulties against the prerogative of the Confederation, thus undermining any faith that their opponents should have in their honest intentions to reach a concordat. The WA Elite believes in the enmeshment of military and intelligence organizations among their principal member organizations, which consist of the feeders, the sinkers, The Rejected Realms, and a few of the most powerful UCRs, in order to neutralize any threat from materializing against the interests of its presiding oligarchy within its own sphere. And as inveterate peddlers of the internationalist ideology of liberal humanism, the WA Elite believe that they are justified to maintain the Confederation's suppression through the devices of the Security Council by deployment of their own military resources towards the oppression of other unaffiliated regions. From this conduct, we can see that the ostensible motive of the WA Elite's activities, to create a more humane and just world through the degradation of national particularity in favor of diplomacy, compromise, and the reign of reason, is fraudulent. More than that, it marks them as positivists.

The true objective of the WA Elite is to safeguard their own positions against all opposition, in order so that no one may emerge within their circle who does not share the same beliefs, priorities, and prejudices that they do, lest they be cast out. From this, we can also see that the individualistic conception of liberty which the WA Elite upholds is also bankrupt, as their self-granted mandate to combat illiberal ideologies by any means necessary presents severe restrictions upon the exercise of human liberty. In other words, we are invariably left with the conclusion that authority is required to delineate the proper productive sphere in which private agencies may exercise their capacity to act. The only remaining question then becomes whether such regimentation must fall along lines of a visionary program which is beneficial to at least one nation or tribe which implements it, or whether the authority should lie with dysfunctional utopians who require such protection from the contradictions within their own system of thought as provided by their ivory towers and positions of influence and through which they can trade in incorrigible smugness and snicker at the Confederation's misfortunes.

Thus, it must be understood that the Confederation and the regions and their ruling cliques which comprise the WA Elite are, and always must be, the bitterest of enemies. Détente is useless, even as a public relations game. The only remaining utility of such a farce is purely Machiavellian. The Confederation/WA Elite dichotomy is an existential matter at some point, for the universality of the competing ethical systems upon which their respective communities and institutions are founded demands that one must be eradicated totally and the other must triumph decisively. Hence, what began as a discussion of pure idealism must now delve into the grittiness of tribal conflict, for now that we have assessed the Confederation and the WA Elite as tribal groups unified by their own ideas of progress, it becomes necessary to discuss what must be done to secure final victory. The first step is to unify the Confederation around the myth of pan-nationalism, as previously discussed. Then, once rigid centralization has been accomplished, the ruling body of the Confederation must take account of its assets and liabilities, figuratively speaking, and decisively elect a course of action to manage these in the most rational way. Each participating agency in the Confederation must be qualified as possessing only those rights to reap benefits from our system insofar as they strive to achieve a certain instrumentality to the state. The capable yet indolent deserve no sympathy and have no right to claim any of the rights of citizenship until their responsibility has been fulfilled first.

If one takes the average feederite and the average Confederate and compares the two, the quality of the average Confederate is by far superior. The average feederite is an inept, transient do-nothing whose function ends at endorsing their Delegate at the behest of some snazzy welcome wagon. It is solely due to the unique position of GCRs that the WA Elite possesses such enormous resources to manipulate to advance their objectives. They are not nearly so intelligent as they allege to be; they are merely conceited. The beginnings of any strategy to combat the WA Elite and overcome it must begin with a sort of "biostrategic calculus," a natalist population policy to create more human resources with which to develop to their greatest potential and discharge towards functions injurious to the WA Elite's supremacy, whether in an overt or covert manner. The population of the Confederation has also seen a recent decline, which is perturbing. Recruitment of new member states into our compact is essential, but so too should legislation be implemented to promote population growth in already affiliated member states. This may be accomplished through implementation of "hard" and "soft" natality policies and reproductive regulations. For instance, generous provisions of family subsidies should promote this cause, but a blanket ban on abortion and contraception (barring extraordinary circumstances such as strong possibility of hereditary disease) would also help. The creation of a marriage licensing system assisted by AI would ensure that couples of desirable genetic stock are matched up and prevent the waste of resources on congenital defectives. Whether such policies would be best implemented from the Confederation central government upon the member states, or whether the member states should be incentivized to implement these policies in ways that account for the specificity of their local issues remains to be seen. However, for rational, ideological, and pragmatic reasons, I would tend strongly towards the latter.

Lastly, the continued existence of the Socialist Unity Front is also relevant, if only for the fact that they espouse communist ideology. Communist ideology was largely responsible for the decline of the Confederation's population and prosperity in the Vocryae incident, if only for that the majority of Traditionalist states were communist-aligned. Aside from my suggestion that the Traditionalist states ought to be subjected to a harsher form of post-war occupation administration to punish them for their defiance, communism is an ideology which professes only class-consciousness and disregards national loyalty as a bourgeois diversion to diffuse the passions of the proletariat for class-struggle. In other words, the SUF is an internationalist party which has no real loyalties to the Confederation, and their trustworthiness by the Shadow Cult should be especially held in doubt. If they were to form an administration, there could be no possibility it could serve the Confederation's interests, but there would be a significant probability that the SUF administration would direct the Confederation's resources to accomplish the goals of the NSLeft. The SUF's organizational culture simply is not Confederate. The SUF's ideas are the ideas held by The Communist Bloc, The Leftist Assembly, and The Red Fleet, perhaps, but they most certainly are not Confederate in nature and therefore represent a pollution of the wellspring of our legitimate cultural wealth. Most importantly, the archetypal communist plan to abolish private property represents a grievous assault upon the beneficent concept of a natural hierarchy. Those who produce wealth through investment into the means of production have an entitlement to their wealth, which is in sublime concordance with the natural design. The capitalist system becomes perverse when concentration on the profit motive permits private industry to deny their social obligations, specifically their responsibilities to serve the national interest above consumer demand, to grant all assets a definite productive use which corresponds to industrial output and product quality, and to recompense workers in a way which genuinely reflects the relative productive contributions of labor. However, to abolish private ownership entirely would necessarily result in the annihilation of the human personality and ravage all higher forms of intellectual, artistic, economic, and cultural life. The ISV stands confident in its contempt for the iniquitous doctrines of egalitarianism in all things and in all ways, regardless of whether the egalitarian lie is twisted into Marxian or Lockean manifestations.