The Western IslesBoard

Baetylus 2000VC04, commonly referred to as Baetylus approximately 400 meters in diameter and responsible for the Baetylus 2000VC04 Impact Event that occured in 2001.

Dr Adolf Marner while being with the Space Administration of Balnik (SAB), first discovered Baetylus on November 12th, 2000, further research was conducted across the isles with its primary observer being the Balniki Aerospace Institute. Further research predicted that the asteroid's orbit would cross the Earth's, making it a potentially hazardous object (PHO).

Two months later on January 6th, the Balniki Aerospace Institute announced the appearance of the asteroid and its high probability of striking the planet with Gael and Eastern Argus projected to suffer the most damage. Due to the time restraints the nations of the Isles had to prepare and the scattered nature of the nations within Aerospace treaties, the asteroid entered the atmosphere as predicted on December 3rd, 2001. Within a week 50,000 lives were lost in Balnik alone, plunging the country into unrest.

Researchers at the Space Administration of Balnik led by Dr Adolf Marner, discovered Baetylus in November, 2000. Further research conducted by the Balniki Aerospace Institute using computer simulations concluded that Baetylus would impact enter the Roche limit on December 3rd, 2001. Although the asteroid was wide it was speculated that the composition of the asteroid was weak and fragile with most of the fragments burning up in the atmosphere. However it was predicted that debris that did make it through would strike from the north to central Isles.

The BAI reported this to its parent branch, the Armed Forces of Balnik, which the was reported directly to Andre Chernobog, leader of the nation. Chernobog decided to hold onto this information for two months to assess the validity and accuracy of the findings and to not cause panic and disarray within the populace and nations.

On January 6th, 2000, Director of the BAI, Dr. Rovič Belgradi, disclosed the information of the impending impact to the public and a press release that shook citizens all over Balnik. Chernobog, predicting that the nations of the world would not be able to cooperate and form a defensive measure, and given the time limit, envisioned a shelter program to be acted out all across the major urban areas of the nation. The program fell short of its intended goals, with shelters only being build in Rustov, Zokol, Kayan, Zojina, and Chernogreb, each one capable of holding 50,000 to 100,000 persons.

Clockwise from top left; Ostrov Island Crater, Pride Crater in Cinnigrad, Kotlumi Crater, Zeleny Crater.

As predicted, on December 3rd, 2001, Baetylus broke through the Roche limit. The asteroid spent two days orbiting the planet at a decaying rate before plummeting into the atmosphere, breaking apart into fragments that burnt in the atmosphere, with some, breaking through and crashing into the Southern Sea. Unfortunately some fragments struck land, with Balnik bearing the heaviest of the bombardment, with 4 craters hitting the Kotlumi mountains, The Zeleny Forest, Ostrov Island, and the most devastating being Cinnigrad, which plunged the downtown area into the sea and destroyed the majority of the city. 50,000 civilians were killed in Balnik and many more went to become refugees. In Townside a stray piece that orbited the planet came down and struck land, creating Fei Hua Lake with minimal casualties. In Dormill and Stiura, stray orbital fragments hit the country with unknown casualties. the 6th of December the last fragment crashed into the Lotus sea, ending the bombardment and reign of Baetylus.

The aftermath of the impacts weighed down on Balnik as the nation struggled to recover, Cinnigrad, a major industrial and economic hub for the city, was destroyed, and the nation faced a material shortage as its resources went to construction of the shelters. Aid did come in from Altera, Segentova, and Townside, this prevented the nation from collapsing completely but also supported the Fascist government. This resulted in mass unrest and unprecedented political upheaval. The impacts eventually led to Operation Operation Cleaning of Stained Floors, of which paramilitary forces belonging to the Balniki National Socialist Party, detained and executed several armed forces leaders in fear of an imminent coup. Chernobog consolidated his power and directed the hatred among the populace towards Gael, citing their neglect during the strikes and exploitation during the Gael Economic Crash.

The end of 2000 and all of 2001 would be marked by the discovery of the Near-Earth Asteroid Baetylus 2000VC04 and the further discovery of a possible impact event. President Granger, in a then unprecedented move, coordinated with the Balniki government and that of multiple other Isles nations to respond to the crisis, leading the formation of an impromptu council of nations as a forum to respond to the impending crisis. When the news broke that the asteroid had a high likelihood of impacting within Gael, Congress initially debated the veracity of the information given its Balniki source, but was soon convinced when the Doraltic Space Sciences Institute and United Republics Air Force Space Service corroborated the Balniki and Magrati reports, confirming the near certainty that the asteroid would intersect Earth’s orbit low enough that it could pass through the Roche Limit and break up.

Knowledge and fear in hand, Congress quickly passed legislation to redirect federal funds into a “Doraltic National Emergency Response Fund” and direct the United Republics Army to begin construction of shelters across the nation to house as much of the population as possible in the event an impactor struck major population centers. In order to ease the building national panic, the Granger Government spent enormous time and effort on various campaigns to assure the public that the asteroid is not large enough to survive atmospheric entry and that any possible fragments would be too small to pose a threat to national integrity. The resulting economic slowdown caused by the initial panic combined with a market that was falling apart did serious damage to Granger’s overall status as President, dipping well under 45% approval by the nation in mid-August through early September, with elements of the Doraltic right wing casting doubt at the threat Baetylus posed to the nation and the proportion of response the federal government provided.

By September, tracking of Baetylus and its possible fragments painted a grim picture for Dormill and Stiura, with its largest population centers in Kapolder, Boissieux, and Launey all at risk for direct impacts as powerful as a nuclear bomb. By then, the Army had completed enough shelters across the nation to house up to 3 million people for the entire week of the expected impact, these shelters were focused primarily in the urban areas surrounding the Kapolder Bay. In addition to the underground shelters, the Army had also constructed or made plans to requisition the use of several post-impact shelters, mostly to process the people who could not enter an underground bunker or lost property in the impacts themselves. When the Congress prepared to enter recess at the end of October 2001, President Granger exercised for the first and so far only time the Presidential power to compel the continued attendance of Congress, seeking to pass further legislation relating to the crisis and calm concerns from the public that Congress would abandon Cour Rouge for other destinations to ride out the impacts.

By November, the predicted path of impact was solidly confirmed and preparations began to wind down, further construction of impact shelters would cease by mid-November, the Army claiming that it would be impossible to complete further meaningful work before Impact Day in early December. When impacts began on 6 December, millions of Dormill-Stiuraians huddled in impact shelters across the nation, fearing the worst as news filtered in of impacts across the Southern Sea and then Balnik.

Ultimately, there would be seven total major impacts across Dormill and Stiura, with several more minor impacts. The closest any impactor would reach a major population center was the first, impacting over a hundred kilometers from the city of Temple, while the most severe impact would be Van Curan Valley meteorite, with an equivalent energy output of 700+kt of TNT. As a result of the following Earthquakes, a significant part of Temple, Broons, and Enoire were damaged or destroyed and up to 5000 people lost their lives in the immediate week following, mostly from injuries sustained from collapsing structures in Temple and Broons. In the end, the United Republics suffered a billion dollars in damaged and destroyed property, 9418 dead from the immediate impact and events relating directly to them, and several million hectares of burned or glassed land.

As 2001 finally ended, Dormill and Stiura threw itself headfirst into the international reconstruction effort, sending the bulk of funds saved up from the National Emergency Relief Fund allocated to international aid to Balnik, alongside dedicating several waves of economic stimulus across Gael to restart national economies. This provided a significant political win to Doraltic Conservatives, who advocated now would be the perfect time for the government to get its foot off the neck of the economy, and allow the free market to reset itself. Given the options, President Granger reluctantly agreed to a massive spending bill that saw the Doraltic Government continue pumping money into the nation to kickstart the economy, but also made significant tax cuts, especially to the uppermost individual brackets and across the board regarding business incomes. The 2002 Spending Bill also included ride-alongs that loosened restrictions that aimed to cede control of the Doraltic economy to private interests.

Simultaneous to these efforts, Dormill and Stiura also reaffirmed its commitment to RTEA and sought out agreements to ease economic barriers, efforts which would eventually bear fruit in the form of several bilateral and multilateral trade agreements across the Isles. However, the crisis would not be averted, as the sudden and severe shock the nation took would bring tensions previously left behind back to the surface.

Today the impacts have etched themselves into history, both cultural and physically, with craters being a ubiquitous feature of Balnik and the sight of a destroyed Cinnigrad being a national symbol of loss and mourning.
December 6th is regarded as holiday and day of remembrance and grieving for those that lost their lives, homes, friends, and family.

Charbagnian Republic
República de Charbagnia (Spanish)
Aprosian Name (Severiók)

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Flag

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Motto: Sic Semper Tyrannis

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Anthem: Our Republic Forevermore!

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Location of Charbagnia (green)

- in the Southern Sea

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Capital and largest city

San Amaro de Esmeralda

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Official Language	None at the National Level
Recognized Languages	Severiók

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National Language

Spanish

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Ethnic Groups

35% Spanish 20% Charbagnian 27% Aprosian 13% Linavian 4% Other Islander 1% Other European-Descendant

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Religion

89% Islam 6% Christianity 3% Folk Charbagnian 2% Other

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Demonym

Charbagnian

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Government	Unitary Parliamentary Republic
President	Ardeshir Delgado
Prime Minisder	Rosalva Guadarrama
Chancellor	Emilio Suero
Chief Justice	Blas Sauvageau

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Legislature	Parliament
Upper House	National Assembly
Lower House	House of Commons

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Independence from the Kingdom of Spain
Proclaimed	11 February 1873
Recognized	14 July 1873
Federal Union Formed	01 January 1881
Occupation Regime	1945/48 - 1989
Modern Republic Formed	11 August 1990

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Area
Total Area Water (%) Land Area	359,000 km2 93.3 23,884 km2

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Population
Current Estimate 2020 Census Density	10,313,086 10,310,700 432/km2

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GDP
Total Per capita	$251.6 billion $24,399

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Currency

Charbagnian Peso (C$) (RCP)

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Time Zone	UTC-9 (Central Gael Time)
Summer (DST)	UTC-8 (Central Gael Summer Time)

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Date Format

dd/mm/yyyy

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Driving Side

right

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Calling Code

+245

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Short Code

RC

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Internet TLD

.rc

Charbagnia, officially known as the Charbagnian Republic (RC), is a parliamentary republic in the Southern Sea consisting of the islands of Charbagnia in the south and a group of islands east of Kaumpirko, with which it shares a maritime border. Its geography is defined by the formerly volcanic mountains of Charbagnia and the string of low-laying islands, reefs, and cays of the northern atoll. Its capital, San Armo de Esmerelda, lies in the large Esmerelda Bay, which is also home to the vast majority of Charbagnia's population of 10 million.

Charbagnia was known to be inhabited by humans since at least the First Century BCE as recorded in ancient archives in Mirik Szil, Razzgriz, although historians suggest an earlier settlement by Proto-Aprosian peoples in a migration theory shared with various Southern Sea nations. Its first civilization was noted around the same time and has been referred to as the Charbagnian Kingdom, which eventually united the central island around the 230s CE. The islands were discovered by Ferdinand Magellan in 1521 and were subsequently colonized by the Spanish in the 1570s.

Following European colonization, slaves from Martenyika, and the Argean Sea were imported as a labor force for the colonial holdings in various cash crop industries, and as domestic servants. In addition, Salimanic settlers, partly as an addition to the slave labor and partly as an independent people, also arrived in numbers in Charbagnia. As a result of integrating into the Argean Sea Slave Trade, Charbagnia became a focal point in the Southern Sea Trade Network, linking Aprosia, Argus, and Gael in an ironic inversion of the Atlantic Triangle Trade. In the wake of the anti-Spanish Revolutions, Spanish colonial authority in Charbagnia eroded enough to prompt a slave revolt in the rich plantations of northern Charbagnia island, spreading as a general revolt that won Charbagnian independence in 1873.

Since then, Charbagnia has been an unstable state as it has attempted to develop its economy and society multiple times, each stymied by internal ethnic conflicts and external political forces. Suzerainty under The United Republics of Dormill and Stiura from the 1900s through the 1940s also brought with it Fraternalism, which further stunted Charbagnian development. Caught again in the Aprosian-Doraltic Cold War of the late 2000s and 2010s, Charbagnia was invaded by Aprosian forces in 2017, leaving the nation struggling to find its footing and once again under the thumb of Doraltic influence.

Etymology

There are two distinct names associated with the Charbagnian Republic. Charbagnia itself has unclear origins but it is believed that it came from either Dorvod or native Charbagnian populations in the northern islands. As of the present day, Charbagnia refers to the national identity and the primary mixed-origin ethnic group (mainly consisting of Native-European mixed peoples).

History
In the aftermath of the Imperial War's eastern front, Charbagnia was invaded by a Kamupirkan-led Free Powers force, after which the islands were transferred to an Alteran occupation under the military administration that was also in league with the colonial government in Aprosia. The brief flirt with Utopian Fraternalism and the gradual introduction of democracy in the Alteran effort to establish a new regime in Charbagnia, had begun to form a sense of shared identity among the various ethnic groups within Charbagnia, most especially in bridging the ethnically-originated class gaps thanks to Alteran Meritocracy being introduced. This is seen as the start of the modern Charbagnian national identity.

At the same time, resettlement efforts were undertaken by the Alteran government to ease the burden on the damaged infrastructure of the Esmerelda Bay area, which was encouraged by selling off plots of land in the countryside and northern islands at dirt cheap prices. This motivated large sections of the population, especially the Aprosians, Spanish, and native Charbagnians, to move out of the Esmerelda Bay and in new towns and cities being built by the Alterans. A new government, modeled based on the Alteran government, was formed in 1949, bringing an end to Alteran occupation and the transition into a new regime.

Under the new regime, reconstruction efforts finally began in earnest from 1949, focused mostly on restoring the infrastructure of San Amaro, San Pedro, Motta, and Prodefuego. Further limited efforts were also undertaken to deepen the port of San Martin, allowing for a closer connection between the Northern Islands and Charbagnia to be established. However, with the previous economy being so dependent on its relationship to Dormill and Stiura, Charbagnia lacked the finances to continue concerted reconstruction efforts as soon as 1951, with only minor repairs being completed in the Esmerelda Bay and a partially dredged Port San Martin to show for it.

The situation worsened as the Aprosian Emergency redirected the efforts of both Altera and the United Republics away from Charbagnia, siphoning desperately needed capital to wars rather than peace.

The consequences of the war combined with a large typhoon in 1952 threw the Charbagnian economy into a tailspin, stopping all reconstruction efforts entirely and putting an end to most efforts to maintain the current state of infrastructure. The government's efforts to build revenue from land sales backfired as a consequence since it became impossible to collect taxes from the value of the land they had sold (since next to none of it was improved and what was improved was being hidden by evasive accounting), forcing the government to throw the economy into hyperinflation to maintain some semblance of economic stability.

As a result of the Typhoon of 1952, that year's harvest failed. Combined with the destruction of the Bridge of Saints between San Amaro and San Pedro that blocked off the Esmerelda Bay from cargo ship access, the nation suffered a devastating famine from 1952 - 1956 which resulted in the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives in both Charbagnia and the Northern Islands. It was only thanks to the generosity of Kamupirko, which had a deep cultural tie to the Northern Islands and sought to ingratiate themselves with the Charbagnians in an effort to reclaim them, that the Esmerelda Bay was reopened to shipping, saving the nation from starving to death.

Still under the thrall of stagflation, the government functionally collapsed as experienced personnel across all branches, the people that were elevated by the Meritocratic system, abandoned Charbagnia for other nations, leaving a corps of inexperienced leaders to struggle their way to picking up the pieces. Unfortunately, this also resulted in the now Spanish-dominated government to institute Apartheid-like systems across society to limit freedoms in exchange for centralized economic direction. This would drive new wedges into Charbagnian society as the mostly non-European people that emigrated from the Esmerelda Bay area to the new lands the previous government sold were now forced to develop it under threat of repossession, deportation to another area of Charbagnia , and the redistribution of their land to other people (often European-origin) for development.

Though in some respects successful, as new farmland across the countryside and the Northern Islands began to make up for the nation's deep dependence on food imports and developed urban land became centers of industry, the demotion of such a large section of the Charbagnian population to a tier even more degrading than Civilians under the Meritocracy grew unbearable, especially for the Aprosians who looked to the Union as a model for social development. As a result, the Aprosian Peoples Front of Charbagnia formed in 1975, and immediately set out to create a new Aprosian homeland in Charbagnia and secede to join the Aprosian Union.

Under the leadership of Adem Escarrà and the APF of Charbagnia (APF-C), the Aprosian population of Charbagnia gathered together under a new community parallel and in opposition to the Meritocratic government. This distinguished itself more visibly when the northeastern city of Samarines ended Meritocracy and instituted Aprosian socialism in its place in a violent uprising against the Spanish-majority city government. Though the central government in San Amaro considered deploying the military to bring an end to the revolt, they were stopped when Aproisa threatened to intervene if its people were attacked in Charbagnia. Without the forces or international support to stand up against Aprosia, the San Amaro government began a policy of salutary neglect for APF-C territories within Charbagnia in exchange for assurances that their presence would not threaten Charbagnian territorial integrity. Escarrà agreed to this arrangement and turned the APF-C's energies towards peaceable political reform rather than revolution. However, as the 1980s began, tensions in the neighboring Kaumpirko began to spill over into the Northern Islands, which were still mostly settled by people with close ties to the Telke, driving protests against the San Amaro government charged with calls for secession.

This growing crisis in the Northern Islands combined with an existing tense situation between the Charbagnians, Spanish, and Aprosians escalated out of control in March of 1989 when nearly 300 students from the University of Santa Ana were killed at a football game riot against the University of Samarines. The ethnically charged fight started from a rivalry on the field and ended in a crush that killed 300 and injured close to 200 more in the largest act of violence in Charbagnia since the Imperial War. Now incensed against each other, the APF-C declared war against the Charbagnian Student's Union, resulting in coordinated gang violence across Santa Ana, San Javier, San Martin, and Saisan. In response, Charbagnian soldiers and officers within the Charbagnian armed forces began attacking the APF without orders from central command.

When President Florián Philippe Garcia attempted to restore order within the ranks of the military on 2 April 1989, General Severo Salcedo refused to stand down, declaring "Our nation is at war against the Aprosians, do not force us to go to war with Charbagnia as well," in a national radio broadcast. The Presidential Guard and National Police attempted to arrest General Salcedo that night but his forces proved far more effective than the central government anticipated, leading to the Coup of 3 April, ending with Salcedo taking over as Interim President. Now with the resources of the state at his disposal, his self-declared war against the Aprosians escalated into a full-blown genocide as APF-C members and their allies were systematically targeted across Charbagnia.

By that June, General Salcedo declared the creation of the Charbagnian Republic with a new constitution that granted him autocratic power as "Chief Defender of the Charbagnian People" and further escalated his campaign with nightly bombings of Samarines and villages across the Charbagnian mainland.

[International Intervention]

• The local region comes together to help pick up the pieces and dedicates enough money and manpower to reconstruction to make up for lost productivity left over from the Imperial War.

• 1990 - 2004: A New Democratic government takes charge in Charbagnia but is still beleaguered by authoritarian tendencies as efforts continue to build a unique Charbagnian nation. This includes:

  • Attempting to create a Spanish-Severok hybrid language (which does partially succeed as Spanish Latin script supplants Arabic as the main script for Severok within Charbagnia)

  • Adopting new teaching standards for history to reinforce the myth of an already extant Pan-Charbagnian identity

• These efforts overall demanded high government oversight into the daily lives of the people. Combined with low political participation and a decentralized social structure, this sets the conditions for the ostensibly democratic government to remain semi-authoritarian, functionally a partiocracy (Rule by Political Parties) split along ethnic and class lines, regime.

• 2004 - 2014: Peace and Prosperity reign as Charbagnia is able to leverage its small economy and beautiful Southern Sea Vistas (especially the Northern Islands) to become a local tourist hub, contributing billions in GDP for the nation and financing infrastructure and social spending.

• 2014: Aftershocks of the Doraltic recession finally hit Charbagnia as tourism slumps. A sudden change in the government by an upstart populist riding the wave of discontent sends the government into a panic as parties’ system of control has been hijacked by an outsider.

• This prompts a sudden renewal in ethnic violence especially in the North where a sizable Aprosian-Charbagnian population moved to during the tourism boom. This violence is condemned internationally and strongly by Aprosia, which views the renewed violence in Aprosian communities as a concerted effort towards genocide by the mostly Spanish government, which denies the allegations.

• 2015: After several appeals by the Aprosian Government and the League, the populist government rebuffs international efforts to intervene, declaring that further attempts to meddle in Charbagnian affairs would be considered a declaration of war.

  • Simultaneously, government intervention in the conflicts has escalated, lending credence that a genocide might be happening within Charbagnia.

  • Around autumn, an independent report from an investigative journalist reveals the government’s heavy-handed approach in combatting the insurgency in the north, acting with little regard to the population in even the major cities. This information is construed as willful ignorance towards an Aprosian genocide within the Aprosian government, which launches sanctions.

• 2016: After preparations, Aprosia formally begins “Peace Operations” in Charbagnia to bring an end to the government’s operations in the northern islands. Kaumpirko, seeing the Northern Islands as an extension of their territory and desiring to integrate the Dorvod population within, openly supports Aprosia and deploys forces of their own.

• Dormill and Stiura, fearing Aprosian expanding and the possibility of enveloping Hintuwan (a key point of momentum for the Doraltic Navy in the far south), petitions the League for a ceasefire and a League mission to restore the peace. Barbs are thrown from both sides and the efforts to win a ceasefire instead produces Aprosia’s expulsion from the League, granting D&S some legal leverage in conducting counter-operations.

• 2017: After resolving a sudden crisis in Arvan after a major oil scare caused by Aprosia suddenly cutting its supply to the region, Dormill and Stiura pivots its forces to intervene in Charbagnia, gathering a coalition (including Yursea, Renet, Razzgriz, Hintuwan, and Corindia) and striking to dislodge the Aprosian and Kaumpirkan forces from the North Islands. Thanks in large part to coalition air power, centered on the carriers VRS Union, VRS Prosperity, RNS Pride of the Republic, and the CNS Barbet, the Aprosian and Kaumpirkan forces were eventually forced away from Charbagnia.

• Post-War: The damage the war caused to the northern islands has rendered them mostly useless as a stable source of tourist revenue (even though a now smaller number of people still visit), leading a crime and poverty quagmire that has dragged the entire area down in terms of quality of life. This in turn has inspired gangs, cartels, and full-blown terrorists to rise in an effort to seize control for themselves.

• 2019: A Sarin attack by terrorists in Independence City prompts investigations as to the war materiel left behind. Consequently, Dormill and Stiura begins operation Golden Fleece (in conjunction with Greatshield in San Javier) to assist the government in stabilization efforts.

• Present: The Doraltic operation is set to end before winter, leaving an open question as to what will happen with Charbagnia without its primary security guarantor. Though the terrorists have been suppressed, some believe they are hiding their time and waiting for the inevitable departure of Doraltic forces and the ensuing power vacuum. This will be Charbagnia’s current RP draw, a region of the world teetering over the abyss and after a situation where many of the possible participants will have to reconcile differences and overcome obstacles to either ensure the continued peace, or condemn Charbagnia to repeat the cycle of violence with an unknown threat of ordinance looming below.

Geography

The physical geography of the Charbagnia is varied. The islands are mostly mountainous and hilly, with pockets of flat terrain mostly seen in the center of the country or by the coast. The north of the island of Charbagnia contains the Republic's biggest mountain range called the 'Grandes Dents' mountain range, home to the mineral wealth of the nation. The tallest mountain in the Republic, and all of Charbagnia, is Mont Gris, in the Grandes Dents mountain range. The river with the highest volume of water is the River Dieudonné in the North West of the country. The largest lake by surface area and volume is Traub in Altges.

Charbagnia has a warmer, Tropical climate. Average temperatures are around 15-25° Celsius. Charbagnia experiences short periods of heavy rain and damp weather, mostly experiencing dry periods throughout the year, especially in the summer with extremely low precipitation. Summers are usually very warm and winters are usually no different, maintaining a steady average temperature throughout the year.

Government
Main Article: Government of French Charbagnia
French Charbagnia is a Unitary Semi-presidential Constitutional Republic, with elements of social democracy in a mostly multi-party system of governance. In all official capacity, French Charbagnia is a capitalist nation, but has practiced some aspects of socialism and centralized economic planning as a means to maintain the country.

Though a Unitary State, French Charbagnia grants considerable amounts of autonomy to subnational units, with Parliament purposely designed to only handle issues of national importance as a safeguard against overreach.

French Charbagnia has defined three branches to its government:

The Legislature: Vested in the Parliament
The Executive: Vested in the co-offices of President and Prime Minister
The Judiciary: Vested in the Supreme Court

In French Charbagnia, the President is defined as "the Head of the French Charbagnian State in all official functions, the Chief Executive, Commander-in-Chief of all Armed Forces, and Arbiter of the will of the Parliament". The President is not officially the Head of the Charbagnian Government, but does have the power to appoint or remove all Ministers of the Parliament subject to a vote by Parliament or approval by the Supreme Court.

The President of French Charbagnia, who has no official style, is elected via national election every 5 years and are limited to 2 terms excluding instances where a Vice President has served as President for more than half of their predecessor's term, in which case they are limited to a single term. The Prime Minister, by contrast, is an appointed position by the President, typically reserved to the person who can "command the confidence of more than two-thirds of Parliament". This means that party bosses of the largest party (or leading party of a coalition) is usually appointed by the President. A Prime Minister's term is only subject to the President and their ability to command the confidence of the Parliament, and thus has no explicit term limit and can even serve under multiple Presidents.

As a Unitary State, French Charbagnia has no subnational territory that exercises independence from Parliament, though in practice the Constitution of French Charbagnia has granted significant autonomy and power to subnational units as a method of preventing an overreach of power from Parliament so soon in the country's existence. Therefore, the Republic is first divided into "Regions" that carry over the old state borders of the Charbagnian Federation. The Republic lays claim to four regions, Clermont, Maibeaux, Frébonne, and Soignane; although the Republic only is in de facto control of Clermont and Maibeaux. Regions have no local government and are only used by the Republic to organize the administration of its territory. Under regions are Departments, which do have local governments, these are followed by Municipalities and Communes.

Foreign Relations and Military

North Charbagnia is not widely recognized by the international community, only recently receiving recognition by the United Republics of Dormill and Stiura in early 2019. Presently, the North Charbagnian military is purely a land force, consisting of around 10,000 total personnel divided into local units. These units are supplemented by militias, police, and other groups of armed civilians. The North Charbagnian economy is driven mostly by mineral extraction and exportation, with some level of the local agricultural industry that has been directed by the government to ensure that the nation can be self-sustainable in the aspects of food, there is a small tertiary sector mostly vested in tourism and related industries, but these have been severely curtailed since the civil war.

At present, the government's primary foreign policy goal is to continue gaining international recognition as a distinct and separate state from the Charbagnian Federation and assert its sovereignty over the remaining predominantly French territories of Charbagnia, vested mostly in the former states of Frébonne and Soignane. Some international observers accuse Dormill and Stiura of subverting North Charbagnia's wider foreign policy into Doraltic foreign policy through its ongoing occupation, a claim that both governments have consistently denied.

The Unified National Defense Forces of Charbagnia comprises the primary fighting force of North Charbagnia. Formed from several militias that fought in the revolution against the Charbagnian Federation, the FDNU is not completely a professional force, and the central organization of the various militias that compose it is lacking.

In addition to its domestic military, the Republic of Charbagnia has also relied on the aid of the League of the Western Isles, the United Republics, and the Ahnslen Regional Stability Force to supplement the defense of the nation.
Economy

The Republic has a lower-middle income mixed economy with larger reserves of natural resources, particularly oil and natural gas. It has a small economy with an emphasis on primary sectors. The government plays a defined role in the country's economy, overseeing quite a lot of resource planning. Nearly half of the Republic's population lives below the poverty line, and 7% are unemployed entirely, mostly thanks to the destruction of industry and property that resulted from the War and the disconnection of the major industrial centers of the south by the various occupations.

Dominating the Republic's exports abroad are oil, natural gas, metals, and timber, among refined items such as machinery and appliances, hardware, processed minerals, jewelry, and foodstuffs. Since 2005, the exports of natural resources started decreasing in economic importance as the internal market strengthened considerably. As of 2016, the primary sectors accounted for 20% of GDP and 64% of the Government budget.

International indicators show that corruption is still rife within the economy, with several sectors being dominated by monopolies or state-run enterprises such as the National Mining Cooperative, FedLine Internet Services, and others. National and International pressure to crack down on the Republic's economic corruption remains the most prevalent problem to the present government, which has made overtures to stamp down on corruption. However, internal reports indicate the government does not have the money or power to effectively combat this corruption, with many of the same monopolies having a great range of control in public and private life alongside their dominance of the economy in general.

In terms of energy use, nearly 75% of all energy consumed in the Republic of Charbagnia comes from non-renewable sources, predominantly Natural Gas with supplementary oil and coal in the mix. While the Republic, by the Constitution, dedicates itself to the protection of the environment and the abandonment of fossil fuels, plans to that effect have been slow to implement. The relative cost to establish sources of renewable power has made the transition painfully slow, with only the first solar power plant in construction so far scheduled for completion by the early 2030s.

Demographics

Population

Language
The Republic of Charbagnia recognizes French as the official language for government business, though there is additionally a population of English, Spanish, Salimanese, and German speakers that have distinct language rights within their own federal states.

Largest Cities

Culture

Charbagnian culture is deeply intertwined in the dynamic relationship between the component demographic groups of the nation, with the Republic as a whole resembling a kind of "ethnic and cultural mosaic" as opposed to a "melting pot" that is common in the Isles. This is most especially evident in the stark division between French Charbagnians, who are predominantly Catholic and conservative, and German Charbagnians, who are Protestant and liberal. These divisions have caused bouts of ethnic, cultural, and sectarian strife throughout Charbagnian history, but was brought to its height in 2018 when the German-dominated Federation used Chemical Weapons in an effort to crack down on pro-Francophone movements across the nation, prompting the ARRF's intervention.

The same is also true of the present Republic, which has spent an inordinate effort on trying to prevent the now German minority from counter-revolting against the French-dominated government.