Commonwealth of LibertyBoard

6 , JANUARY , 1971
BOMIS: A Malaysian Instrument Shop

| A new music shop would be opened in Petaling Street, Kuala Lumpur. Otherwise known as Kuala Lumpur's Chinatown. The music shop, calling itself BOMIS, which is an acronym for:

— BO: Bo
— M: Musical
— I: Instrument
— S: Shop

The shop was opened by Chen Bo [Chen being his surname]. |

| BOMIS would specialise in selling marching and pipe band instruments. Their catalogue of instruments include:

— Trumpets
— Euphoniums
— Tubas
— French Horns
— Trombones
— Flutes
— Bagpipes
— Scottish Tenor Drums
— Marching Snare Drums
— Marching Bass Drums
— Marching Cymbals

Which were imported into Malaysia from various countries. However they have one prize product in their catalogue. As it is their own creation. Dubbed as the 'Malaysian Tri Tenor Drums'. |

| The Malaysian Tri Tenor Drums are configured to have 3 drums of different sizes. Each drum is connected by a backbar. The center drum is 8 inches in diameter and 6 inches deep making it the lightest pitch. The right hand drum is 14 inches in diameter and 12 inches deep making it the deepest pitch. The left hand drum is 12 inches in diameter and 10 inches deep making it the medium pitch drum.
The drum when being sold would come with its intended harness. It's harness will have 2 straps [the straps are not adjustable], that form an X shape when being worn. At the center both straps are two pieces of a buckle, which is used to lock the straps in place. The buckle has 2 hooks attached to it, which are meant to hook onto the backbar. However there were flaws in this harness design. If the straps are not form fitting, it will cause issues with wobbling of the drum. Impacting the performance and potentially damaging the drum, if the drum falls off its hooks. |

| When purchasing the Malaysian Tri Tenor Drums, it will come with a manual for how to play the instrument. Due to its very recent creation. Firstly, the most important part of playing any percussion instrument. What stick is intended to be used to achieve the optimum sound quality. For this drum, it would be marching snare sticks, alternatively glockenspiel mallets could also be used. Secondly, it's an instrument meant to be tuned to be as tight as possible to produce the highest pitch it can be. As to add an element to an ensemble of usually medium to low pitch drums, by being a higher pitch instrument in comparison. Thirdly, it's meant to be played using matched grip, instead of traditional grip. This is to facilitate smooth and easy transition between each drum. Finally, the drums are played near the edge of the head, like timpani, these areas are often called "zones". This allows for the optimum resonance and fundamental tone of the drum to project. |

| But with the sudden emergence of BOMIS. Citizens of Kuala Lumpur, speculated on where Chen Bo managed to accumulate his wealth from. While there were multiple speculations for this sudden startup of a relatively unknown and non-influential family in Malaysia, the most popular speculation led to Chen Bo and his family potentially having association with a secret society organisation [the Triads]. |

______________________________________________

Febuary 1971

M I L L I Y E T

National Assembly and Current Administration Upcoming Election

_{The upcoming elections in March will signify a continuation of growth and modernization following the manifesto of 66 President Ecevit and the CHP given to the public. During his tenure, he made due to his promises of seeking more trade with European partners, bolstering military readiness in coordinance in with NATO expectations, and reinforcing Turkish sovereignty in the wake of Kurdish-Soviet affinities. Plans for modernization were carried out within 6 years and in two 3-year phases—1968 to 1971 and from 1971 to 1974. This came after challenges of foreign adversaries questioned Turkiye’s ability to defend itself, and its interests need be.}

_{Now we look towards the future. President Ecevit’s plan exceeds his first term and has put forth the proposition to run again this upcoming March election. Many within his party, especially the ultranationalist crowd applaud the President’s resilience on national security and wish to continue to work on these proposals as they were introduced in 1966. Nevertheless, discussions on education, fiscal budgeting, and commerce remain a heated plethora of problems for the DP and CP. Privatization has benefited the country’s ability to move quickly to modernize however water, energy, and other logistics should remain under government supervision as mentioned by Adnan Menderes, head of the opposition representing the DP.}

_{On June 28th, 1968, 20,000 members of the Turkish Republican Armed Forces (TURAF) marched across the streets of İstanbul in a public display attended by thousands. This was motivation and the needed euphoric atmosphere needed to bolster pride for the military, and combat readiness. Nearly 2 years later, 5,000 of those members have died in the jungles of Vietnam which the opposition has hung over his head following the latest death count, and concerns about bringing the remaining troops back home are of discussion. The President on the advice of his Prime Minister, Alparslan Turkeş, ignored warnings from military generals to make the voyage to aid American forces in Vietnam.}

_{|Adnan Menderes|- Leader of the Opposition: “The chickens came back to roost, and 5,000 of our troops have perished in the struggle against communism. This is an utter failure on Ecevit and his government’s part. I question why send our troops thousands of kilometers away when we face a communist threat just east of our border.”}

_{The criticisms of the President’s decision came as a regret to Prime Minister Alparslan Turkeş. Still, his insistence remains adamant to remain as a core valued politician in the party in the upcoming election. Turkeş has emphasized that the greater good for the country remains a top priority by all means, and learning and adapting with first-hand experience will further bolster the country’s military readiness for many years to come.}

_{Commonwealth of Liberty}
Ne mutlu Türküm diyene!
—

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RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE

FRENCH BUREAUCRACY 

MINISTÈRE DE LA DÉFENSE NATIONALE

______

MINISTRY OF NATIONAL DEFENSE: DISCLOSURE ON UNIDENTIFIED AIRCRAFT REPORTS IN METROPOLITAN FRANCE
_{VTH FRENCH REPUBLIC | PARIS, JANUARY 1971}

_{| HELM OF WARFARE, MINISTÈRE DE LA DÉFENSE NATIONALE, FRANÇAIS RÉPUBLIQUE - | Michel Debré, the current sitting Minister of National Defense has ordered the immediate publication of records pertaining to the French Air Force's aerospace activities over population centers in Metropolitan France. These orders come not just from the minister's office, but also that of President Georges Pompidou following a string of reports involving unidentified flying objects. Over the last five years more than 500 reports with French police authorities have been made by citizens living in the inner cities as well as farmers in France's rural valleys regarding "large triangular shaped aircraft" flying at alarming speeds, and breaking the sound barrier. The reports have also indicated that the aircraft have been seen flying at low altitudes in some areas and have three bright lights in each corner of the triangular shaped craft.}

_{The Ministry of National Defense has been careful with regards to maintaining some of its more classified projects from fully entering the public's eye, but now they have managed to gain more attention than desired with the most recent sighting and incident that occurred in a small town called Parville which is located in Normandy. The incident was reported by a dairy farmer and local restaurant owner named Auguste Gusteau whom indicated that he had "witnessed the entire event" and was quite shocked by the traumatizing experience.}

| REPORT OF AUGUSTE GUSTEAU — 27 DECEMBER 1970 — APPROX TIME: 11:26 PM |

"At roughly 11:01pm I heard what sounded like an explosion outside my house. The sound shook my entire residence and awoke my sleeping wife as well. I immediately scrabbled to the window where I was unable to see anything and so I quickly got dressed and ran downstairs to the back door. Upon walking outside I could not see any signs of an explosion near my house or barn, however I still feared that either a plane had crash landed nearby or perhaps the Soviets really were attacking. My dairy cows were in shock and so I walked over to the barn to attend to them briefly. While walking back over to the house from the barn I looked up at the sky where three brightly shining lights in a triangular pattern caught my eye. The lights were moving as one unit at a relatively slow rate of speed for any normal type of plane. But then it appeared as if the aircraft was lowering towards the ground, almost as if it were hovering above my pasture. It came as close as maybe 300 feet from the ground before it launched forward and zipped back up into the night sky. A second boom occurred moments later which I now assume must have been the aircraft breaking the sound barrier a second time. This second boom caused my cows to panic again, running from the barn out into the pasture. During this two young calves were knocked over and trampled causing them both to die."

_{Auguste Gusteau's report to the local police made newspaper headlines which eventually reached Paris as well as the desk of the General Secretary of the National Federation of Agricultural Workers, Jack Potavin who initiated further media attention about the incident having noted that Auguste Gusteau is not the first or only farmer to be affected by these types of events. The public outcry and demands for the government to do something about the occurrences has become immense in recent weeks which is what prompted President Pompidou and the Minister of National Defense to make the Air Force's activities regarding this public knowledge. There was also the aspect for most French citizens that the aircraft might have been a Soviet plane of sorts sent to either spy on or attack France and it appeared that the French government was seemingly doing nothing about it. The time for the Air Force to come clean on everything they knew was now, or they might risk losing funding in the next defense budget parliament passes. On January 21, 1971 the Chief of Staff of the French Air Force, Général Gabriel Gauthier stood before the National Assembly in Paris and made public several documents which revealed the origins and overall purpose of the unknown aircraft.}

| REPORT OF GENERAL GABRIEL GAUTHIER — 21 JANUARY 1971 — APPROX TIME: 9:30 AM |

"Mesdames et Messieurs, esteemed delegates of the people of France. I am here today to shed light on the numerous reported sightings of what many have described as a triangular shaped aircraft with three lights, one in each visible corner of the aircraft. Some of these reports also include details about the aircraft hovering at low altitudes and taking off with no physical runway present. A most recent report from a dairy farmer in Parville which tragically resulted in the loss of two dairy calves as well as prior reports involving minor property damages makes my report to you all here today even more important as we hope nothing like that ever happens again. On the night of December 27th 1970, at 2300 hours a single aircraft which is part of a top secret development program named the Dassault Mirage IIIV took off from Évreux-Fauville Air Base for another routine training and testing mission. Évreux-Fauville Air Base is located approximately 8.2 kilometers away from the small town of Parville and given it's rural environment in comparison to the surrounding more populated areas, it was deemed the best area for testing and flying the new aircraft in that part of France. The Dassault Mirage IIIV is a vertical take-off and landing aircraft, very similar to the British Harrier jump jet that entered service in 1969. The Mirage IIIV however has been a veritable work in progress since 1962 with the original prototype being named the Dassault Balzac V which was developed from the Dassault Mirage III. The eventual finished aircraft being named the Mirage IIIV has undergone constant testing since February 12, 1965 along with pilots training on the new plane. This aircraft is capable of hovering in place and has three bright lights underneath it, one on each wing and one at the front of the fuselage to help the pilot see when maneuvering the aircraft in hovering mode. If you will all refer to the aircrafts declassified specifications document, you will also find that this plane is capable of flying at speeds of Mach 2.04 which is twice as fast as the Harrier jump jet. On behalf of the Air Force, I would like to relay my most sincere apologies to those affected by this once top secret project and can confirm that the individuals whom have sustained documented property damages from testing and training flight missions will be compensated for their losses. I yield the rest of my time to the assembly's president."

DASSAULT MIRAGE IIIV SPECIFICATIONS

• Crew: 1

• Length: 18 m (59 ft 1 in)

• Wingspan: 8.72 m (28 ft 7 in)

• Height: 5.55 m (18 ft 3 in)

• Weight: 12,000 kg (26,455 lb)

• Maximum takeoff weight: 15,875 kg (35,000 lb)

• Powerplant: 1 × Pratt & Whitney/SNECMA TF106 afterburning turbofan engine cruise only, 90 kN (20,200 lbf) with afterburner

• Powerplant: 9 × Rolls-Royce RB170 turbojet engines, 25 kN (5,620 lbf) thrust each lift only

• Maximum speed: Mach 2.04

• Flight distance: 3,335 km (2,072 mi, 1,801 nmi)

• Combat radius: 1,200 km (750 mi, 650 nmi)

• Radar equipment: Thomson-CSF Cyrano II radar & Marconi continuous-wave Doppler navigation radar

_{With Général Gabriel Gauthier's undisclosed report to the National Assembly, French news outlets have gone on a frenzy once again, hoping to be the first to explain away the numerous aircraft sightings and incidents of which the Dassault Mirage IIIV is responsible for. Many Frenchmen and women who have paid attention to the news were just as shocked to learn that it was the French Air Force responsible. In a short interview with the recently compensated dairy farmer in Parville, Auguste Gusteau stated: "I didn't even think we had that kind of technology to be able to build a plane like that. I thought for sure it must've been aliens of some sort or the darn Soviets." Another more optimistic Parisian businessman said "if the Germans could do it 26 years ago and the British have just done it a couple years ago, I see no reason why France and all it's technical prowess wouldn't be able to engineer an aircraft on the same level." Now that the top secret project is out in the spotlight, the Air Force has moved forward with more cautious, but increased training and testing missions that will likely see the already proven new aircraft admitted to full service in just a few months. |}

______

VIVE LA RÉPUBLIQUE!

VIVE LA FRANCE!

VIVE L’EMPIRE!

_{𝐄𝐌𝐁𝐑𝐀𝐂𝐄 𝐅𝐑𝐀𝐍𝐂𝐄
𝐂𝐎𝐌𝐌𝐎𝐍𝐖𝐄𝐀𝐋𝐓𝐇 𝐎𝐅 𝐋𝐈𝐁𝐄𝐑𝐓𝐘}

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SHŌWA 46 | JANUARY 1971
11% 安定した成長


11% GROWTH STABLE

 S T A B I L I Z A T I O N   P L A N 

すべての人は海のように兄弟です 世界中に; ではなぜ風が吹くのか そしてどこでも波が激しく打ち寄せる？	All men are brothers, like the seas throughout the world; So why do winds and waves clash so fiercely everywhere?

GINZA — AFTERNOON
_{TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon}

| Japan’s growth rate is expected to stabilize this year after a five-year economic boom, but even if the predicted stable growth materializes, the country will still have the highest rate of any Western country. This means a stabilization of the 13% annual growth rate over the last five years to a still robust rate of 11 to 12%. For economic experts, Japan’s biggest economic challenge is to readjust its industrial sector without producing adverse effects on the economy. Consumer spending, which represents nearly 50% of GNP, increased 17.4% last year compared with 1960, and few expect it to be matched. Expo ‘70 in Osaka had 64 million visitors, both Japanese and foreign, contributing greatly to increased consumer spending. The Sanwa Bank study estimated the direct and indirect demand caused by the opening of Expo ‘70 at $9.2 billion v. $7.5 billion for the 1964 Tokyo Olympics. ‘70 Expo spending totaled $3.75 billion and consumer spending reached $950 million. Wages increased 18% in 1970 compared to 1969 and department store sales increased 20% to a postwar high of $960 million. |

STABILIZATION PLAN

▌_{A leveling of the capital and investment rate, which represents 20% of GNP.}

▌_{Drop in export taxes.}

▌_{Drop in demand for cars and household appliances, with the current saturation of the domestic market.}

| Japan’s annual per capita income, which reached $473 in 1960, making it 23rd, increased to $1,503 in 1970, rising to 14th in the world. According to a survey carried out by the Prime Minister’s Office, refrigerators, washing machines, and other household appliances are now an integral part of Japanese lives, even in lower-class families. The lives of the Japanese are increasingly linked to foreign trade due to the growing transport of food, imports of which to Japan totaled $214 million in 1969, an increase of 14% compared to the previous year. Food imports are believed to have increased by 18% last year compared to 1969. Japan’s gold and foreign exchange reserves have seen a steady increase, surpassing $4 billion at the end of last year, a gain of $700 million compared to 1969. The main reasons for the strong increase were a considerable surplus in foreign trade, the inflow of foreign exchange for investment, and high-interest rates. Both the government and bankers fear that Western nations will exert greater pressure on Japan for an upward revaluation of the yen if the growing inflow of foreign currencies continues as is. |

| Exports, an important part of Japan’s growth, increased 21% to $17 billion in the first 11 months of 1970 compared with the previous year. Although exports to the United States have declined due to American measures taken against Japanese products, efforts made by traders and manufacturers to diversify their export markets have resulted in a beneficial increase in exports to Europe and Communist countries, offsetting the decline in exports to the United States. Exports to European countries increased by 50.8% to $1.8 billion in the first eight months of 1970 compared with the previous year, while exports to Red China increased to $489 million in the first 10 months. Salary increases, the growth in personnel expenses, and the need for measures to prevent environmental disturbances have caused a decrease in company profits. The drop in exports to the United States and the decline in domestic demand for durable consumer goods forced manufacturers in the steel, automobile, household appliances, and synthetic fiber industries to reduce their production and investment programs. |

| V E R E N I G DㅤㅤK O N I N R I J KㅤㅤB E N E L U X
| "ㅤE E N D R A C H TㅤㅤM A A K TㅤㅤM A C H Tㅤ"

Liefde is een verhaal zo oud als de tijd,
de vloek is degene die het moet verbergen...

// 11 FEBRUARI 1971, ZOENDAG
AMSTERDAM, NEDERLAND //

Q U I D N U N Cㅤㅤ:ㅤㅤAㅤㅤM I S E R A B L EㅤㅤL I F E

ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤ_{Wolsheijner stood as a colossus in the realm of Dutch politics, a figure both revered and enigmatic, his influence reaching far beyond the borders of his homeland to permeate the very fabric of European governance. At the tender age of thirty, he wielded power and authority with a confidence that belied his humble beginnings as an orphan in the quaint town of Dordrecht. His ascent into the political arena was swift and determined, a testament to his unwavering resolve and ironclad determination. From the tender age of eighteen, he raised his voice as a member of the now-defunct Reform Nationalist Party, his impassioned speeches resonating with the masses from the outset. Yet, it was not merely his political prowess that set him apart; Wolsheijner was a figure shrouded in mystery, an enigma whose private life remained veiled in secrecy. Despite the incessant clamour of the media, he remained resolutely silent, his thoughts and feelings guarded with an almost obsessive zeal. In 1969, when he was elected to the highest echelons of power, Holland found itself in uncharted territory—bereft of a first lady for the first time in modern history. The Dutch press, ever hungry for scandal and intrigue, seized upon this anomaly with fervour, weaving tales of conjecture and speculation around the elusive figure of Wolsheijner. For him, the limelight was a double-edged sword, casting him as both a paragon of virtue and a subject of relentless scrutiny. His single status became a matter of national fascination, his every move dissected and analysed with the fervour reserved for celebrity gossip. And then, amidst the swirling maelstrom of conjecture, came the whispers of a connection—a fleeting moment captured by the lenses of eager paparazzi, as Wolsheijner found himself in the company of the Finnish journalist, Erva Hyvönen, after an interview with Yleisradio. The tabloid newspapers seized upon this revelation with glee, spinning tales of clandestine meetings and forbidden liaisons, their headlines ablaze with scandal.}

_{In the hazy realm of gossip magazines, where sensationalism reigns supreme, the name of Wolsheijner became a tantalising thread woven into scandal. Tabloids danced with delight at the mere hint of his presence alongside various women, concocting tales of romantic dalliances that crumbled beneath the weight of their own lack of credibility. In the eyes of many, it was nothing more than a fleeting diversion—a salacious tidbit to be discussed over morning coffee, quickly forgotten as the day wore on. After all, in a nation where the credibility of tabloids teetered on the edge of irrelevance, their claims held as much weight as a feather in a hurricane. For Wolsheijner, the ceaseless chatter was but a dull roar, a nuisance to be brushed aside in pursuit of loftier goals. With the quiet dignity that had become his trademark, he chose to turn a deaf ear to the whispers that swirled around him, instead focusing his energies on his political career. A man of principle, he refused to be drawn into the murky waters of gossip and speculation, his silence a shield against the slings and arrows of malicious tongues. To him, the relentless scrutiny was a burden to be borne, an unwanted intrusion into the sanctity of his private world. For Wolsheijner, the corridors of power were his domain, a realm where his words held sway and his actions spoke louder than any idle gossip. He had no desire to lay bare his soul for the prying eyes of millions, nor to pander to the whims of those who sought to tear him down.}

_{In the twilight glow of his Amsterdam apartment, Wolsheijner stood ensconced in silence, a solitary figure framed against the backdrop of the city's iconic canals and terraced houses. With a heavy heart, he lifted a cigarette to his lips, drawing deeply upon its bitter solace as he gazed out at the waning sun. Clad in a sombre ensemble of brown turtleneck and black trousers, he cut a figure of weary resignation, his thoughts a maelstrom of discontent. In his hand, the latest edition of "Entertainmentkrant Dagelijks" lay open, its pages filled with the distorted reflections of his private life splashed across its glossy surface. There, emblazoned in bold letters, was his own name—a cruel mockery, twisted and contorted to fit the narrative of scandal and intrigue. A photograph, innocent in its inception, now served as fodder for the voracious appetites of the tabloid press, transforming a simple moment of camaraderie into yet another tale of illicit affairs and rendezvous. As he stood lost in contemplation, a slender figure emerged from the shadows, his presence a jarring intrusion upon the silence of the room. With a gesture born of familiarity, the young man reached out, relieving Wolsheijner of the damning gossip that lay within his grasp.}

_{"Another article about you?" The younger man's voice cut through the oppressive silence, heavy with frustration as he observed the tabloid in Adrian's grasp. "Do these people have nothing but time on their hands?" His tone dripped with disdain, a reflection of the simmering anger that coursed through them both. Adrian's response was a weary nod, his chiselled features marred by the weight of his burdens. "Yes, dear, I'm afraid so," he murmured, his voice rough with emotion. Though he strove for stoicism, the relentless onslaught upon his privacy gnawed at his resolve, chipping away at the facade he had erected. "It is a picture of me with a friend, but they somehow managed to twist it to fit their own narrative. How ingenious," Adrian lamented, his words tinged with bitter irony. Despite his efforts to distance himself from the scandalous tales spun by the tabloids, their insidious tendrils reached out to ensnare him once more. The younger man reached out, gently prying Adrian's large hands away from his face, his gaze filled with unwavering determination. "You have to do something about it. This can't go on forever," he urged, his voice a rallying cry in the face of adversity.}

_{Adrian's frustration simmered beneath the surface as he pondered Mark's suggestion. "What can I do, Mark? Do you expect me to ban the paparazzi?" His tone betrayed a hint of annoyance, the weight of their relentless intrusion pressing down upon him like a suffocating blanket. "They have won once again, and I can't use my political power to make them stop. That would be an abuse of power."}


_{Mark's response was measured, his shrug a testament to his own resignation in the face of adversity. "You are not the only person affected by the tabloids. Just say that it is for the personal privacy of all," he suggested, his voice tinged with a note of pragmatism. "You are a smart man, you can figure it out."}

_{"I wish it were that easy, love," Adrian sighed, his frustration palpable in the heavy silence that settled between them. "But I'm afraid they won't think critically regardless. It is the sensationalism they are after, not facts or logic."}

_{As the sun dipped below the horizon, casting a golden hue over the Amsterdam skyline, Adrian's mind was a tumultuous sea of thoughts, his emotions swirling like the eddies of the nearby canals. Beside him stood his lover, a silent sentinel in the gathering dusk, their presence a balm to his weary soul. In a nation celebrated for its liberalism, Adrian understood all too well the precarious nature of his position. Though Holland may embrace diversity and acceptance, the revelation of his relationship with the younger man would be met with raised eyebrows and whispered condemnations. For a leader to be entangled in a homosexual affair was, in the eyes of many, nothing short of career suicide. With a heavy heart, Adrian held his lover close, their embrace a silent testament to the sacrifices they both made in the name of love. In exchange for his career and dignity, he endured the relentless onslaught of speculation and gossip, his private life laid bare for the prying eyes of the world. Closing his eyes, Adrian pressed a tender kiss to Mark's forehead, savouring the fleeting moment of contentment that enveloped them both. For a brief instant, the outside world faded into insignificance, leaving only the warmth of their shared affection. But then, as if to shatter the fragile tranquillity of their sanctuary, the sound of a camera clicking shattered the silence. Adrian's heart sank as he realised that even in the privacy of his own home, they were not safe from the relentless gaze of the paparazzi. With a heavy sigh, he tightened his grip on Mark's hand, steeling himself for the inevitable storm that would follow.}

_______________________________________________

_{Dit is een fictief stukje creatief werk voor}
de GEMENEBEST VAN FRIJHEID [ CoL ]
—

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T H E  J A D I  R E V O L U T I O N ¹

_{PART II}

_{February 1971 — Afghan communists make concessions to tribal leaders and consolidate the revolution in the north and west.}

_{The Jadi Revolution, initiated by the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) on January 20, quickly swept across the capital, where it was able to consolidate itself and impose order via the army and police. In 1971, Kabul was already westernized and willing to accept a republican government, especially if it could preserve public order and attract foreign business. The people of Kabul were ready to accept the rule of Daoud Khan's National Revolutionary Party; now they accepted the PDPA. But Kabul was the exception and not the rule. The greater part of the country seemed stuck in the Middle Ages and was governed by informal tribal networks that neither knew nor cared about goings-on in the capital. Steeped in Islam and centuries of tradition, large swathes of Afghanistan held nothing but contempt for Kabul, let alone a secular, Marxist government. Forcibly subduing the rural population and molding them into socialist citizens was impossible; instead, the PDPA settled on exacting minimal taxes in exchange for large concessions to tribal hierarchies. The PDPA believed it could sell the revolution to the Islamic, feudal backwater by speaking the language of the post-colonial national liberation movements. More importantly, the PDPA intended to use that which already existed in Afghan society to legitimize its rule.}

_{Pazhman Maher was a Tajik shopkeeper from Kabul's fourth district who joined the PDPA in 1966. Over the years, he gradually took on a more active role, recruiting Tajik cadre and forming a close friendship with Babrak Karmal. Now, the revolution called upon Pazhman to work full-time for the party. In the middle of February 1971, Pazhman led a delegation from the capital to Mazar-e-Sharif and the surrounding provinces to make the case for revolution to the Tajiks, Turkmen, and Uzbeks who populated the north. Due to their proximity to their fellow countrymen in the Soviet Union, some segments of these groups found it easier to support Soviet socialism than their Hazara and Pashtun neighbors in the south. For the most part, however, the Tajiks, Turkmen, and Uzbeks were no less tethered to tradition than the rest of tribal Afghanistan.}

_{"The People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan has overthrown the King's cousin and usurper Daoud Khan. We have foiled his attempt to invite western rulers into Afghanistan. Now our mission is to secure the country from those who wish to see us subjugated to foreign rule. The British must never be allowed to return.²" Pazhman's appeal was treated with apathy by the skeptical elders and townspeople assembled before him, who nonetheless appreciated that he was Tajik and spoke Dari. "Do not believe the slanders that have been spread about the PDPA and its program. We are here to solidify local rule according to the customs of Tajik, Turkmen, and Uzbek Afghans." The PDPA central leadership resolved, provisionally, to redraw Afghanistan's northern provinces along ethno-religious lines and guarantee semi-autonomous rule according to the Soviet model. In so doing, the PDPA hoped to win support among leadership councils in the countryside. "You are invited to nominate a representative of your village to participate in a convention in Kabul where we will adopt a national constitution," Pazhman said. A prominent village elder interjected, "What precisely is the point of this? You come here and tell us we must rule ourselves. Well, we already rule ourselves, so what difference does it make to 'solidify local rule,' as you call it?" Pazhman realized that he must first sell the idea of government before he could win support for abstract notions like semi-autonomy. "The PDPA government needs you to send a representative to inform Kabul of the infrastructural problems that exist in your town. The new government is not like the King and is interested in the welfare of all Afghanistan, not just the cities." Over the next several hours, Pazhman was inundated with requests and concerns—a water well needs to be dug, a piece of farm equipment has to be replaced. Slowly, and over many cups of chai, Pazhman Maher was assured that a delegate would be sent to Kabul, thus releasing him from his duty until he had to repeat the ordeal in the next locale.}

_{From Nangarhar to Herat and everywhere in between, delegations like Pazhman's were giving the same speeches and making the same promises, according to instructions provided by the PDPA central leadership. In the south, faced with a different audience, the PDPA implemented a political strategy tailored to Pashtun customs. Meanwhile, the central leadership prepared for the upcoming convention that would consummate the Jadi Revolution.}

____________

_{¹ JADI ( جدی ) is Dari and refers to the month of January according to the Solar Hijri calendar.
² Between 1839 and 1919, the British Empire fought three Anglo-Afghan Wars in its attempt to rule over Afghanistan.}
_{Written for the RMB Screen of the}
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THE UNION OF NORDEN - NORDENS FORBUND - NORDENS FÖRENING - NORÐRAFÉLAGIÐ

13 JULY, 1970 - Gothenburg

-----------------------------------------

HIS MAJESTY KING OLAV V, KING OF NORWAY, GREETS FOREIGN LEADERS AT HIS INVESTITURE

-----------------------------------------

The rolling hills and vast forests of Sweden passed Olav by as he rode in his Rollys-Royce Phantom to the site where he would achieve the ultimate climax of his royal career. To be invested as High King of Norden, the ceremonial head of state of the entire North, a position that countless Jarls, Dukes, Kings and Emperors had bled to achieve all throughout Scandinavian history. Yet, here he was, having achieved it by the simple signing of a piece of paper. He did not even want it. Even now, after all the begrudging preparation and expectation he still felt hesitancy at sitting on that damned throne and being flung into a life so different from his old. The Phantom entered inner city Gothenburg, thousands of people had already gathered to welcome their new King, in amongst the shouts and screams Olav could hear the tones of Swedes, Danes and Norwegians, all grouped in the federal capital to welcome him. The largest contingent of those that had came to greet him were his own people, and a sea of Norwegian flags lined public squares and off shop hangers proclaiming him to be their new sovereign. The car continued through the city, with it eventually stopping at Gothenburg Cathedral where the grand ceremony was set to take place, and where the Bishop of Gothenburg would proclaim him High King in front of the whole world. Olav was properly sweating now. The weight of the responsibility crashed down on him like an avalanche. He walked up the front steps of the Cathedral, and met a familiar face. King Gustav Adolf VI of Sweden, High King since 1960. They clasped hands in a firm handshake, the two men had known each other for many years and were familiar with each other, having to cooperate extensively in their respective roles. Olav and Gustav got on well together and the pair spoke at length while walking through the vast expanse of the cathedral, they had of course arrived early and they were set to greet dozens of important figures who would be attending the investiture. The presence of both the outgoing and incoming High King at the gates of Gothenburg Cathedral had become something of a tradition, with King Fredrick XI of Denmark having invited Gustav to his side back in 1960. Olav saw the first of the great centipede line of cars arriving. Of course Nixon's was at the front.

President Richard Nixon exited his car, a sense of grandeur and vanity yes, but also a timid humility, followed him. He walked up to Olav and the two men clasped hands "Your Majesty, an honour to be here today, my wife and I are looking forward to the ceremony greatly. We hope the United States and Norden will continue together as nothing other than best of partners." A fundamentally good man, Olav thought. The United States was vital to the security of Norden and had indeed been a strong partner in safeguarding Scandinavian naval interests in the Baltic. America was also home to millions of Scandinavian Americans, who he knew would be taking a great interest in today's investiture. "The honour is all mine Mr President." The two smiled, Nixon patted Olav on the shoulder and leant into to his ear, "We should speak later", before giving a terse smile and moving on to take his seat inside the Cathedral.

Next, Angela Vode of the Slovene Republic. A small nation, Olav thought, nonetheless was grateful they had made the effort. The President was a charming lady and the two exchanged words on their shared passion for skiing and Alpine wildlife, before she followed Nixon into the Cathedral.

President Balewa of Nigeria had graciously made the 6,000 mile journey from his homeland, and the two men struck an instant cord. Balewa spoke of Nigeria's recent advancements in tackling inflation and the country's strong economic advancements in the agricultural field. I will have to visit someday, Olav thought.

Following closely behind President Balewa, Emir Omar Muhammed Abd Al-Rahman Nasir of Algeria, a dignified gentlemen by all accounts.

Ah, here we go, Olav bemused upon seeing His Majesty King Juan III of Spain and his heir apparent HRH Juan Carlos step out of the grand state car bearing the royal ensigns of Spain. "Your Majesty and Royal Highness, the High North bids you welcome." Olav said enthusiastically. He liked Spain and the country had a lot of potential in becoming a major cooperative partner for Norden. King Gustav had told Olav on a different meeting that there were many opportunities in the tourist sector for Scandinavian business, and that Olav would be wise to visit the country in order to solidify any diplomatic ties that may be possible. He knew SAS, for one, had been eyeing up the country for new flight routes to Spanish resorts.

Following the Spanish royalty, Malaysian Prime Minister Goh Hock Guan and former Prime Minsiter Tunku Abdul. Both men were dressed in fine Malaysian traditional attire and spoke well, Olav could instantly tell they were statesman in their country, and shook both their hands. The three men spoke about fine Malaysian cuisine, which the Norwegian king had acquired a fond taste for during his time in Asia.

There was a small gap between the arrival of foreign dignitaries, and Olav was talking pleasantly to Gustav, until he looked up and saw it. The black-red-gold of the German state flag flying off a prestigious state car. He felt a cold shudder come over him. He couldn't help it. He knew it wasn't fair. They were different now. A close partner, neighbour and friend. He saw Sophie Scholl leave her car and stride confidentially towards him hand extended, Olav shut his eyes for brief moment. The howling screech of a Luftwaffe Messerschmitt appeared in his mind as he ran clasping his father's hand through the Norwegian forest to a bomb shelter, followed by their security detail. He heard something else as well, the vague but rasp voice of Vidkun Quisling, that fascist traitor, over the radio calling for Norway's surrender. He opened his eyes. "Your excellency, a privilege and honour to have you here today. Germany is undoubtedly one of our greatest allies". He knew he had to move past these childhood memories, the trauma of the war. Germany is a vital trade and military defence partner, whose good relationship with Norden would prove vital in the years to come. He smiled at Chancellor Scholl kindly as they parted, it was not her fault by any imagination. Though when he saw King Gustav's jovial attitude to meeting her, smiles and grovelling flattery, he thought it ironic. A Swede wouldn't understand.

Following the Germans, Cardinal John Edward Taylor greeted Olav with a bow, breaking from the usual handshake of foreign dignitaries. The Bishop of Stockholm was perhaps the most important man in the entire Scandinavian Catholic community. While all three countries, Denmark, Norway and Sweden had been officially Protestant for hundreds of years, they still all had notable and sizeable Catholic communities. Norway particularly having a strong tradition with the Church of Rome, with many of the greatest Norwegian kings of old being devout Catholics. Indeed, not a single Norwegian grew up without knowing the name of St. Olav, the man who converted Norway to Christianity by way of blood and iron.

Next, the Indonesian delegation, and their excellencies President Surhato, Prince of the Yogyakarta Sultanate, Raden Mas, and the Duke of Pakualam, Paku Alam VII. The largest delegation of all nations in attendance, Olav thought as he smiled to himself. Indonesia was a nation he had great respect and admiration for, he had followed the war for independence closely and was incredibly pleased when Indonesian forces proved victorious over their Dutch oppressors. It reminded him of Norway's long history of foreign oppression and subjugation. "Mr. President, your Excellencies, an honour to have you here, I know you have travelled far to be at my investiture and I am incredibly humbled by this. Indonesia and Norden have a great amount of potential to develop a very strong relationship, two regional powers on different continents, united by cultural diversity and a love for the sea." The three men were articulate and full of wit, and Olav suspected as they walked up the steps of the Cathedral that he would be wheels down in Indonesia himself before too long.

Ah, a familiar face, Olav thought, as Zalman Shazar, President of Israel, appeared in a fine suit from his car procession. Norden and Israel had long been close friends, with Scandinavian ties to the Jewish people turning a new chapter when both Denmark and Sweden saved thousands of Jews from the horrifying reality of the European Holocaust. Swedish Jews have since advertised their adoptive homeland to the establishment back in Jerusalem and ties between the two newly formed nations have been incredibly strong since, with cultural and economic links serving to reinforce the relationship. Many Scandinavian Jews have been prominent in academia, business and politics and continue to underpin the bond between the Middle Eastern country and the High North. A lot to be gained from developing this further, Olav pondered, as he complimented President Shazar's stylish Nordic-themed Kippah.

Prime Minister and Jaques Chaban-Delmas and Foreign Minister Maurice Shumann of France strode up to Olav and successively shook his hand. Olav had great personal affection for France, and was delighted at the prospect of being able to practice some of his middling French. He had often holidayed in the soft sun of Corsica and Marseille and took great joy in appreciating French architecture and cuisine. France was also a vital geo-strategic partner for Norden whose military prowess would be capable of defending Europe's Northern flank on land, air and sea. "Monsieur le Premier Ministre et Ministre des Affaires étrangères, un grand privilège de vous avoir parmi nous aujourd'hui." He said in broken French. The two gentlemen did not seem to mind however, and the three made hearty conversation about wine, with Olav noting how France had made leaps and bounds in its wine production, under the directory of the Ministry of Finance. Certainly, he must visit again and sample some of it, Olav thought with a boyish grin across his face picturing his past vineyards.

Next was President Ferdinand Marcos, Sr. of the Philippines. Olav was fascinated by the Philippines as a country, and immediately engaged the President with questions on its history under Spanish colonial rule and its resultant Catholic faith when otherwise completely surrounded by Islam and Buddhism. He felt particularly pleased that President Marcos had decided to attend the investiture himself, as Norden and the Philippines had seldom diplomatic engagement with each other prior to this point. Perhaps the start of a new relationship, Olav wondered?

Ah, yes, the Dutch. Our distant cousins. Olav greeted Queen Beatrix fondly, the two had met on many occasions prior and had come to know each other reasonably well. "Your Majesty, I was delighted to discover you were planning on attending. The Netherlands are family to Scandinavia, as we have been for thousands of years." Olav turned to shake the hands of the Prime Minister, Wolsheijner van Delta, and the Dutch Ambassador to Norden Giel Kleinlugtenbelt, both of whom were well dressed and polite gentlemen who led the conversation immediately into the political sphere, particularly concerning Dutch-Scandinavian oil cooperation and protection in the North Sea. Despite having long past its erstwhile days of glory, the Dutch navy was certainly still a force to be reckoned with and Olav was sure that strengthening economic and political ties could only work to Norden's advantage in the long term. Perhaps a free trade agreement? Freedom of movement? These things would technically be possible but are complicated by the EEC. That organisation was a topic Olav did not want to discuss today, he thought, smiling at the Dutch delegation as they walked through the Cathedral doors.

Lastly, but most certainly not least, the familiar glint of the Union Jack sped down the roads of Gothenburg as the crowd became ecstatic upon spotting it. Out stepped, with an unmatchable aura of grace and delicacy, Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II and her husband His Royal Highness, Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh. Olav positively beamed. In a rare instance of breaking of protocol, the two exchanged kisses on the cheek in Royal fashion. They were after all, first cousins, and shared a familial bond. A firm handshake and warm smile from the Duke of Edinburgh, who was stood as tall as a lamp-post and had attended in his naval uniform endowed with his various medals and orders. "My dear cousin, I am delighted you could have made it. Nothing will please the family more than your visit, Prince Harald always speaks fondly about your kindness and his time in Buckingham Palace as a young boy. We've always had a good relationship during my time as King of Norway, I hope we will carry that forward in my new role as High King. Yourself, Philip and all other members of the family in Britain will always be welcome here in Gothenburg." Apart from the love Olav had for his family, he knew the importance of the Anglo-Scandinavian relationship all too well. Britain was still one of the most powerful countries in the entire world, with an army and navy few could hope to match. It was also a country close to the hearts of millions of Scandinavians. The UK and the Scandinavian countries had always had close ties, with shared history spanning back millennium upon millennium and a sense of brotherhood that stretches across the North Sea. Britain was going to a be a vital partner in the coming decade, particularly in the military and economic sense. Perhaps also in the cultural as well, with Norwegian and Swedish death metal bands gaining a surprising amount of popularity in the country. Olav quickly dismissed these thoughts, Elizabeth and Philip had been the last of the invited foreign guests. It was time.

He and King Gustav prepared to walk down the Cathedral's steps, and go in the south entrance to begin the ceremony. "Wait" Olav said. He paused momentarily and looked down the road. "What is it Olav, you don't want to be late to your own investiture do you?" Gustav said with a slight laugh. Olav ignored him. No one from the Soviet Union had came. Not even the Ambassador in Gothenburg. He was disappointed at this. He remembered the Soviet soldiers who helped liberate Northern Norway during the war. Even though there had been differences between Norden and the U.S.S.R. in the time since, he had expected someone. "Nothing" Olav said. Gustav picked up on the disappointment in his voice but elected to ignore it, he did not have time to pry.

The two men walked as the ceremony inched closer and closer to its start.

The time was now. Olav's life would never be the same again.

He was about to become the most important man in all Scandinavia.

ALT FOR DEN NORDISK FEDERLAND!

is way on February 8, 1971?

RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE

FRENCH BUREAUCRACY 

MINISTÈRE DE LA DÉFENSE NATIONALE

______

MINISTRY OF NATIONAL DEFENSE: FRENCH SPACE PROGRAM HELPING TO IMPROVE BALLISTIC MISSILE RESPONSE CAPABILITIES
_{VTH FRENCH REPUBLIC | PARIS, FEBRUARY 1971}

_{| HELM OF WARFARE, MINISTÈRE DE LA DÉFENSE NATIONALE, FRANÇAIS RÉPUBLIQUE - | The official French space program began in 1946, when the Laboratoire de recherches balistiques et aérodynamiques (LRBA, Ballistic and Aerodynamic Research Laboratory) was established in Vernon, just after World War II. The laboratory's goal was to develop the next generation of rockets, partially by utilizing the German development of the V2 rocket. Large teams consisting of between 150 and 200 members were initially tasked with researching ramjets, turbomachinery, and liquid and solid propellant rocket engines. Specifically, ONERA launched its Stataltex ramjet in 1951 from Hammaguir, Algeria. For several years it continuously held the world record for target device speed and altitude, reaching Mach 5 at 38 km.}

_{Two years prior, in March 1949, production of the Véronique type rockets was put into motion. The project's main goal was to provide a flying test vehicle for the development of liquid rocket engines; high-altitude research payload launches was its secondary goal. The Laboratoire de recherches balistiques et aérodynamiques (LRBA) was in charge of manufacturing. On 20 February 1959, the first Véronique launch was performed, although it was recorded as a failure. One day later, the second launch took place, which attained an altitude of 84 miles (135 km). The program was eclipsed by new rockets, such as the wholly indigenous Diamant launcher which was the first exclusively French expendable launch system and at the same time the first satellite launcher not built by either the United States or USSR. ONERA organized numerous in-flight rocket and craft test campaigns, with all means necessary in terms of measurement, telemetry and trajectography. One worthy of mentioning is the launch in 1959 of the Antares four-stage rocket, the first French space rocket for the systematic study of phenomena related to reentry. Then came the Bérénice rockets for testing at speeds of Mach 12. The first stage, a SEPR-739 Stromboli, was stabilized by four SEPR-P167 rockets producing 34 kN (7,600 lbf). The second stage consisted of a SEPR-740 Stromboli, almost identical to the first stage. The third stage was a SEPR-P200 Tramontane and the fourth stage comprised a Mélanie rocket and payload. Since the beginning of France's space program the Ministry of National Defense has been the parenting organization behind all of it's operations and steering its overall agenda. With a keen interest in advancing France's ballistic missile early warning system capabilities, the Ministry of National Defense tasked the space program with launching a series of 12 early warning launch detection satellites, similar to the U.S. Vela satellites which can detect gamma rays, neutrons and X-rays that are the signature of nuclear launches. These satellites will send additional signaling to early warning radar detection and command centers on the ground, giving French authorities more time to react and retaliate with the Force de frappe (strike force) nuclear triad.}

_{The Ministry of National Defense has also teamed up with the space program to begin building and testing a new series of ground based interceptor missiles similar to the U.S. Nike Zeus missiles which are the first anti-ballistic missile to achieve hit-to-kill, physically colliding with the incoming warhead. The French interceptor missile is named Tibère and will be able to reach speeds of Mach 7, having evolved from its predecessor, Bèrènice. The Tibère ballistic missile interceptors consist of a boost vehicle and an exoatmospheric kill vehicle (EKV). The first planned testing of the new interceptor missile is scheduled for February 23, 1971 in the French Pacific islands of Polynesia at the Pacific Experimentation Centre on the Mururoa Atoll. Provided that at least 8 out of the 10 scheduled intercept tests are successful, then the Ministry of National Defense will agree to purchase a total of 68 Tibère ballistic missile interceptors. |}

______

VIVE LA RÉPUBLIQUE!

VIVE LA FRANCE!

VIVE L’EMPIRE!

_{𝐄𝐌𝐁𝐑𝐀𝐂𝐄 𝐅𝐑𝐀𝐍𝐂𝐄
𝐂𝐎𝐌𝐌𝐎𝐍𝐖𝐄𝐀𝐋𝐓𝐇 𝐎𝐅 𝐋𝐈𝐁𝐄𝐑𝐓𝐘}

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The Three Princes

| Scene II, Act III |
| Attacks is the Best form of Defence |

______________
_{Febuary, 1971}

The aftermath of the Odasea Report was tough to take for President Balewa and his government. Consistent pressure placed upon senior government positions, the resignation of over 10 low-level ministers and a dozen senior civil servants didn't help, but the report had been quickly weaponized by Gowon, who not only endorsed the report but called for the President himself to resign, making it seem almost like the former general had pushed forward this. But the veteran couldn't give in to the political factionalism which had divided his government in previous years. Attacking Yakubu would be exactly what he wanted, diving into the political battle for which had nearly seen his ousting from within, and so needed to remain strong and forward towards continued and consistent reform. To this, the issuing of a government-wide corruption investigation following the report's publishing was enough to get the media off him, even if the damage had already been done, but now needed to go one step further if he wanted to halt the supposed offensive from the NRP and Gowon.

As the report slowly went cold, although still at the centre of the public eye, President Balewa would announce a restructuring of regional and local bodies, which had some political motives in shaking off what had been the story for weeks and an attempt to reduce Gowon's influence. He established the United Regional Body for Reform (URBR) which would incorporate the Commission for Finance and Commerce and that of other commissions which had been introduced in the early years of Nigerian democracy. Not only did this reduce the chances for what had occurred, but allowed elective bodies to be much more effective in implementing policy without the obstruction of unelected commissions or non-government bodies from blocking it. The URBR would not only have strict regulations on membership but also ban any political affiliation. It was to act as a commission which would advise and criticise the government on national policy, from foreign to agricultural policy, but unlike commissions, voting members could not have any affiliations and would be voted by the Nigerian Supreme Court.

This was a stroke of genius from President Balewa and his numerous advisors. Not only did it prevent any further weaponisation from Gowon and his party, but new regulations on membership and affliction allowed a much more neutral tool of criticism. With these new structural adjustments to public bodies, he would also announce 2 separate reforms connected to such, aiming at reducing government waste and reducing all-round corruption. To both the genuine want to reduce high and low-level corruption and the want to be victorious in the upcoming summer elections, the President announced a 2-year freeze on any increased central ministerial spending and the creation of a new department - Department of Justice and Anti-Corrption. Differing from a ministry, it would act as both an arm of the central government and the Supreme Court and have the judicial power to produce more low and medium-level corruption for which the Supreme Court doesn't have the manpower to do so. Not only this, the department would have strict regulations concerning those involved concerning previous affliction and prevent it from being politically weaponized by a party or group.

Despite the setback, the new measures put in place not only stalled the NRP's attack in the meantime but have indulged in the popular need for anti-corruption reforms, promised and now fulfilled by the President. The creation of a new department of justice and corruption further legalities the reforms and now takes the heat off the Odasea report for a while. Whether these reforms will come to bite him back is another issue, but certainly, in the meanwhile, the President and his government are set to remain on the front of reform, even with their dip in the polls and growing popularity for the NRP. Confidence is still high. Key regional elections are in just a few months as the Nigerian Democratic Party look to find the fruits of their reforms via elective successes this summer.

 T H E  J A D I  R E V O L U T I O N ¹

_{PART III}

_{February 1971 — Afghan communists adopt the People's Jirga system to sway the Pashtuns.}

_{Until now the Jadi Revolution had consolidated itself in the Afghan capital as well as—on a weaker footing—in the northern and western provinces. At the same time as party officials like Pazhman Maher were making promises to Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Turkmenis, People's Democratic Party (PDPA) delegations traveled to the central highlands and the southern Kandahar desert to further spread the Jadi Revolution. The most important tribal institution among the Pashtun—who populated these regions—was the Jirga, an assembly of leaders that makes decisions by consensus according to Pashtunwali, the Pashtun social code. Throughout the modern history of Afghanistan, national Loya Jirgas have been convened to make major decisions, such as to confirm the accession of Mohammed Nadir Shah to the throne (1930), to declare neutrality during World War II (1941), and to approve the constitution (1964). Following the Jadi Revolution, the PDPA sought the approval of such a Loya Jirga to adopt a new constitution and legitimize PDPA rule. More significantly, the PDPA believed it could reform the Jirga system to resemble the Soviets of Workers and Soldiers Deputies that arose before and during the Russian Revolution of 1917. Thus were born the People's Jirgas, unique to Afghanistan's conditions and stage of development (or so reasoned Kabul's intelligentsia), which henceforth were to exist as permanent, communal institutions at the local and national levels.}

_{"All power to the People's Jirgas," declared PDPA activists in every town and city from Ghazni to Zaranj. "Afghans govern themselves," they shouted. "Afghan institutions for Afghan people." Much like in the northern provinces, such appeals often fell on deaf ears. The Pashtuns knew their social code and customs, but who were Marx, Engels, and Lenin, and what did they have to do with Pashtunwali? "Lenin preached Islam and national liberation to his people. We must learn from his example. All power to the People's Jirgas!" The westernized, secular, Marxist nucleus of the PDPA in Kabul knew about some of the lies and fanciful tales that newer, hastily educated party members were spreading in the provinces. The central leadership was constantly drawing up excuses and even praising these messages as effective agitation and propaganda. Consequently, as the Jadi Revolution spread across Afghanistan, it took on a more conservative and Islamic character, and it began to accommodate rather than overcome the differences between city and countryside. It failed, at least for now, to fundamentally transform Afghan society in a revolutionary way.}

_{Thus, by the second month of the Jadi Revolution, the PDPA had entered into a devil's bargain with the Afghan people. By admitting undereducated and undisciplined cadre, and by accommodating the tribes in all their backwardness, the revolution lost something of its original character. The effects of this loss would not felt immediately, least of all in the capital, nor was this development fated to go on and completely subvert the revolution. However, like so many times in history, the price of victory was compromise and the loss of ideological clarity. The PDPA was now in a precarious position, but it ultimately got what it wanted out of this devil's bargain: the support of most provinces and countless tribal Jirgas all around the country, which would now enable the formation of a Loya Jirga in Kabul. In due course, a new constitution would be adopted.}

____________

_{¹ JADI ( جدی ) is Dari and refers to the month of January according to the Solar Hijri calendar.}
_{Written for the RMB Screen of the}
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
—

Adriatican Islands
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Bhaarat Lok
Cascadla
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SUDDEUTSCHE ZEITUNG
_{A Nation of Truth}

NATIONAL HEADLINE - SZ
CONSERVATIVE HANS KARL FILBINGER SUCCEEDS IN LEADERSHIP CONTEST AGAINST DEFENSE CHIEF MISCHNICK, SETTING POSSIBLE NO CONFIDENCE VOTE

| (BONN, FEB 1971) SHOCKWAVES reverberated through the halls of power in Bonn today as conservative-leaning former CDU member Hans Karl Filbinger was confirmed as the Free Democratic Party of Germany's new party leader, after he narrowly prevailed in a leadership contest against current party leader Wolfgang Mischnick, who is the current Minister of Defense and the appointed successor of liberal party bastion Erich Mende. Receiving 48.31% of the vote, against 47.88% for Mischnick, with 3.79% abstaining, Filbinger successfully completed the conservatives' takeover of the Free Democrats, which since the early Sixties have been overwhelmingly liberal-leaning under the leadership of Erich Mende, the former vice chancellor. Filbinger ran on a platform of restoring "moderate, sensible, centrist conservatism" to the FDP, arguing that if the party were to continue its leftward drift, it would continue to support 'lackluster government after lackluster government'. Reports also indicate that on the secret ballot, up to 40% of sitting FDP deputies backed Filbinger's leadership bid, which was voted on by the party membership from January 30 to February 4 across the nation. |

| The possible ramifications of this change in leadership cannot be understated enough. Filbinger now joins the leadership of the liberal "traffic light coalition" with the Social Democrats and the Germany for the People party of Chancellor Sophie Scholl. During the campaign for FDP leadership, he asserted that he had "no intentions" of forcing a snap election, but was non-committal on whether or not he would support a vote of no confidence in the Chancellor's government, saying that "if the time comes for her to go, then she will go". Christian Democratic deputies, motivated by recent polling showing the CDU rapidly approaching the possibility of an outright majority in the Bundestag, as well as more than 50% of the popular vote, have signaled to conservatives within the FDP that the possibility of a no confidence vote is "increasing by the day". The FDP are a crucial coalition partner to the SPD and DFV, and their total withdrawal from the government would deprive them of the votes necessary to sustain a legislative majority given the instability within the Social Democrats as well. |

| However, in the event of a no confidence vote, Filbinger is unlikely to receive the support of the FDP deputies necessary to usurp the government from power and its majority. Several top FDP leaders in the Bundestag have publicly come out against Filbinger's conservative policies, and pledging to uphold the FDP's "unwavering commitment to liberal and progressive values". The Social Democrats continue to waver as well, though, and this could be the death knell for the Scholl government. While the SPD leadership under former chancellor-turned-vice chancellor Willy Brandt continues to stand firmly behind Scholl's government, SPD backbenchers (potentially as many as a dozen) are reportedly "aghast" with the way the coalition is being run, warning that its continued governance could lead to "the permanent disabling of the German left for decades to come". As Scholl continues to pursue a radically progressive agenda which includes the enshrining of abortion rights and union rights into federal law, support from the SPD and FDP are more necessary than ever lest the Chancellor suffer an embarrassing legislative defeat that could lock in the results of the next election as a Christian Democrat victory. |