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The Great Game Part 5: Suharto’s Ace; the Berkeley Mafia
February, 1970

Many great things had come from the United States since Suharto’s ascension to the presidency. Televisions, Hollywood films, weapons, automobiles and some of Indonesia’s best and brightest. While Indonesian universities were usually the best an ordinary person could attend and while they also offered decent curricula for the nation’s youth, many gathered the funds and the ability to travel overseas and study abroad. The vast majority of these went to the United States, taking advantage of the recent expansion in air travel between the two countries along with warming relations after the fall of President Sukarno. Now, many have returned with the youngest joining the influential KAMI while the oldest have become members of Suharto’s advisory inner circle, Aspri.

Upon the signing of the Supersemar, Suharto conducted a harsh crackdown on Communists and suspected Communists across the nation while restoring order and purging government institutions of the far-left. However, many of his decrees also focused on the economy. Under Sukarno, economic mismanagement was rampant and at the advise of several economists, Suharto made it a priority to stabilize the currency and the markets. Many of these U.S-educated economists had a hand in the successful stabilization of the economy, which primarily focused on bringing down inflation and restoring trust in Indonesian markets. Despite their success, the radical changes in politics that came as a result of the 1969 Indonesian Legislative Election and the subsequent shift in the balance of power upon the withdrawal of the Supersemar and the end of Suharto’s extraordinary power reduced the influence of these economists and practically halted their work.

However, their work had hardly been forgotten. While A.H Nasution had forged alliances within the MPR to pass a National Development Plan bill through the legislature, aimed at implementing an economic reform program focused on Sukarno-esque economics, the economists who had worked with Suharto were busy attempting to convince the President that his proposals would do more harm than good. Suharto’s insistence on mass privatization, free market liberalism, and deregulation put off even the most liberal of his economic advisors. Eventually, Dr. Widjojo Nitisastro, a professor and graduate of the University of California, Berkely convinced the President to change course and take on a more moderate route. Having no political aspirations of his own, Nitisastro was guided mainly by his own beliefs and inspirations mainly focused on the economic success of countries such as Korea, Japan, Taiwan, Hong Kong and of course the United States. Motivated by his own personal ambitions and Nitisastro’s clear outline for a successful economic reform, he permitted the economist to publish a column in Indonesia’s most widely publicized newspaper, Kompas to introduce the plan to the people.

Despite Nasution’s support in the Assembly, any major public support he had eroded with the publication of the column. Nitisastro, already known as a credible voice on economics in Indonesia, introduced his plan as a reform that would be separated completely from Sukarno’s regime. The multiple references to privatization of consumer goods and other non-essential industries, state support for said industries, the creation of additional jobs through foreign investment and the fair development of all islands of the Indonesian archipelago drew many Indonesians to Nitisastro’s plan while reducing the credibility of Nasution. Despite not wanting to be engaged in the political machinations of Nusantara, Doctor Nitisastro used them to his own advantage and inadvertently for Suharto’s as well.

Protests broke out in Jakarta soon after the publication of the column. Indonesian citizens, rallied, now believing that Nasution and his allies were attempting to bring back Sukarno’s failed economic policies. The protests had, of course, been mainly organized by KAMI and pro-New Order groups seeking to increase President Suharto’s influence over Nasution. Overnight, the Speaker of the Assembly lost his majority and many moderates within Gerindra and the Independents group in the MPR withdrew their support in private and urged Nasution to accept amendments to the National Development Plan act. Incensed, but otherwise out of options, an outplayed Nasution privately agreed to heavily amended RPN Act which adopted nearly all of Nitisastro’s proposals.

On February 7th, 1970 the People’s Consultative Assembly passed the Rencana Pembangunan Nasional Act or RPN Act unanimously. The law outlined the government’s plan for economic reform, including privatization of most of the manufacturing sector, regulated foreign investment for the exploitation of natural resources and the development of industry, and the introduction of Five Year Development Plans to be passed by the MPR to continue the development of the economy across the decades. With the approval of the RPN Act, the question of Indonesia’s economy had finally been answered while simultaneously increasing Suharto’s standing, influence and power and all thanks to what the President himself termed “his Berkely Mafia”.

١٩٧٠, Mayu — May, 1970 

SudaPost Office, Al-Siteen Street, Al-Riyadh Neighborhood of Khartoum, Khartoum Province (Mukata’et Khartoum)

The Republic Of Sudan • جمهورية السودان

THE ELECTION OF 1970 — FIVE PARTIES AT A STRUGGLE

Two complete decades into Sudan’s breakup with its colonial legacy, President Lwoki had remained as the last of six grand political figures in Sudan’s early political theater, known as the Old Guard. Out of those six original Parties, one would be abolished, which formerly belonged to Mohamed Mahgoub, leader of an ethnic supremacist Confluence Ideology, now having served a decade behind bars on the charges of treason. It’s important to note that the Confluence insurrection in 1958 headed by Mahgoub had been seen by many as the primary event that paved the way for the Arab Nationalist Ideology headed by Babieker Awadalla, one of the newest parties formed by the end of the commonwealth era.

The second party to disappear from the public forum belonged to former Prime Minister Abdalla Khalil, whose departure following decades of diligent duty to the existence of his motherland, had taken with him the very foundations of the Commonwealth Party, resulting in its eventual collapse only years after the imperial system and British monarchy was abolished, amidst a struggle to keep our political relevancy and prominence in the backlash of the Suez War, and an all-time low in pro-British sentiment in the public. The collapse had once again brought down the number of factions to five.

The Mahdi Umma Party had seen a revitalization at the end of the 1950s, as a young and popular voice, Hadi Al-Mahdi, took over the family’s political dynasty, replacing the patriarch of the family. However, the unity of the Islamists had been tried in the recent political crisis of the late 60s. Hadi’s fraction of the party had been locked into some internal struggle with a fellow member of the family, Sadiq Al-Mahdi, and his loyalists, who had formed opposition to the Party’s role in forming the 1967 coalition government with the current acting President Benjamin Lwoki. Sadiq’s faction had been described as the more extremist and stricter organ of the Islamist Ideology, with many speculating that their opposition to the coalition government had been based on the group’s prejudice and mistrust of southern, and non-Muslim leadership of the country exhibited under the Lwoki Administration, which had served to undermine Islamic supremacy within the affairs of state in the last six years. This reputation of extremism had stood to discredit them, as they were largely blamed behind the horrific assassination of long-time communist leader and founder Abdel Khaliq, who many say had inspired the radicalized shooter with their anti-communist fear-mongering, that painted the Communist Party as a foreign atheistic ideology, that presented a threat to the religious order of Sudan.

As the Islamists fractured into familial drama, and the Arab Nationalists rose in the fallout of the catastrophic war of Zionist aggression in 1967, the Communist Party remained the last opposition party with a leader that had served for almost two decades. Up until he was assassinated by a radical Islamist earlier in the year. The Party of course had managed to survive with its new leader and Communist Party runner-up for the 1970 election, Hashem al-Atta, who had managed to maintain Party Unity, using his status as a former commander in the Sudanese Air Force and his prominent military and political education in the west and the UAR, to ride through the ranks and win public approval. Al-Atta had vowed justice for the death of the late leader Abdel Khaliq, even going as far as warning the country that the Lwoki Administration and the national police and intelligence services, the SIRA, had grown too dangerous, becoming an active threat to the existence of the democratic state, and to the political freedoms of the country.

These recent fears had only served to push the opposition parties into forming a “united front”, in their shared struggles against the growing authoritarian and overreaching powers of the SIRA, which had been likened to some sort of national or secret police tasked with silencing opposition members, and crashing down on the freedom of expression in the country under the guise of maintaining the peace. The overreach of the SIRA had not gone unnoticed by those in power either, especially those close to the President. Democratic Unionist leader, the successor to former President Ismail Azheri, El-Tigani El-Mahi, had been the current acting Vice President since Lwoki entered power. He had used his position to express concerns that the SIRA’s director, Gaafar Nimiery, had become far too uncontrollable for the presidential office, warning of an impending threat from within the government. El-Mahi had urged Benjamin Lwoki in the years following the 1967 riots to curb the heightened militarism in the Sudanese capital, and about alienating the Sudanese people and his supporters, by hiding behind the iron grip of Nimiery’s SIRA, only for the President to end up dismissing the DUP’s and public concerns, marking a new period in which hostilities between the two parties were starting to contribute to the growing mistrust and paranoia amongst the Liberal Party and Democratic Unionists party coalition, putting the unity of the moderate government at an even greater risk. Lwoki’s self-sabotage of his legacy and the party had gone as far as refusing to implement the DUP’s moderate leadership plan, which would’ve seen the two Parties united under one greater political faction to ensure the stability of Sudanese parliament administration, possibly saving Sudan from the extremist sectarian violence plaguing the nation.

It had seemed that as the 1970s elections began, with citizens lining up at the polls outside schools and post offices, each of the five political parties was locked into a greater political struggle with each other and amongst themselves, even during the campaign season, sowing seeds of discomfort in this year's election. Notably however, all of them have found the SIRA and Gaafar Nimiery sitting at left, right, and center of these struggles, or in some cases simply serving as a proponent of the lack of unity and trust amongst the factions. Perhaps this was part of the SIRA’s plot after all, manufacturing the chaos and political upheaval that would rock the Sudanese capital and its walls as the pedestal of liberty down, all so Nimiery could enter as some sort of hero, driven by a purpose to save Sudan from her calamity, a calamity he had a hand in creating. If the 1970s elections fail to see a clear victor, the Republic as is known, and the democracy that persevered in the last 25 years is at risk of faltering, a cautionary tale that the shield of security can sometimes be a weapon formed to shatter the heart of liberty. The Nimiery era dawns.

———————————————
AL-NASRU LENA!
AL-NASRU LE SUDAN!

SUOMEN TASAVALTA • REPUBLIKEN FINLAND

January, 1970

20 years on from the Winter War, the Finnish nation remembers its martyrs

C.G.E. Mannerheim address the nation on the anniversary of the Battle of Suomussalmi;

"My fellow Finns. Today we mark a historic date. 20 years ago, our nation was embroiled in a fight to the death with the forces of the Soviet Union. This monstrous leviathan demanded our lands, our people, our honour. We fought with all the strength we had to prevent this foreign subjugation. While parts of our nation were lost in this war, the blue and white still flies freely and independently over Helsinki. We undeniably won and prevented the occupation of our land and the enslavement of the Finnish people to the communist tyranny that is the Soviet Union. Moving forward we must ensure that Finland is united and ready to face such foreign threats again, both from the West and the East. Our nation must be united under its democratic and liberal government, and we must always stand for the values of liberty and free administration that our sacred republic is founded on. I have absolute faith in the governance of President Kekkonnen and his spirit to preserve Finnish independence in these times. We owe everything to our veterans and serving military personnel. Their sheer determination, valour and courage have allowed for a new generation of Finns to be raised under our own flag and speaking our own tongue. Far too many men have been lost into the depths of the freezing snow, their shattered bodies a reminder of the sacrifice our nation has had to endure and the resulting suffering. Many of the men who fought remain today, but continue on with deep psychological scars that only their steadfast devotion to our shared country have even begun to heal. We owe them everything."

Despite all we have been through, all the suffering and torment, all the violence and trauma, we stand here as Finns. Un-wavered. Un-shook. The forces of the world can throw whatever they will at us, but we will remain and survive in these deep lands of hill and lake for all eternity.

SUOMEN PÄÄLLE! • FÖR FINLAND!

| FIRST OF MARCH | LIBOSO YA MARS |

| 1970 |

DRC ★ DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
RDC ★ RÉPUBLIQUE DÉMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO  |

AMERICAN STEEL AND TACTICS FILTER INTO THE CONGO:
WITH PROMISES TO BE A BULWARK AGAINST AFRICAN COMMUNISM, MOBUTU FINDS A STRONG ALLY IN BUILDING THE MODERN CONGOLESE ARMED FORCES!
FILTER ACIER AMERICAN NA TACTIQUE NA CONGO:
NA BILAKA YA KOZALA BULWARK CONTRE COMMUNISME AFRICAIN, MOBUTU AZUI ALLÉ YA MAKASI NA KOTONGA BA FORCES ARMÉE CONGOLAISE MODERNE!

| THE SPECIAL FORCES OF THE CONGO FORMED - BA FORCES SPECIALES YA CONGO ESALAMI |

After Mobutu’s most recent Île des Singes Conference, he has put into motions efforts by the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of The Congo to establish a new branch of the AFDRC named the “Special Operation Force - Force d'opération spéciale - Bokasi ya Mosala Ntina'' this initiative would be headed by lieutenant Mosambaye Singa Boyenge to create the initial doctrine of the Congolese SOF and to travel to the United States with a initial batch of 100 Congolese soldiers to undergo special forces training inside the United States. The Congolese SOF would focus its training on Counter-Insurgency tactics and guerrilla warfare to take the fight against any would-be insurgents or invading force to the bush. Mobutu plans to bring the forces up to 3,000 strong and be a principal defense force to ensure the Mobutu regime stays in power.

| AMERICAN STEEL MEETS THE HAND OF THE PATRIOTIC CONGOLESE SOLDIER - ACIER AMERICAN EKUTANI NA LOBOKO YA SOLDAT CONGOLAIS PATRIOTIQUE |

Mobutu’s aim to modernize and create an effective fighting force for internal and external conflict did not end with the creation of the Congolese SOF. The professionalization of the entire Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of The Congo was a paramount task in the establishment of Mobutu’s ideal African state. Mobutu would allow hundreds of advisors from the United States to train all branches of the AFDRC. Alongside the import and proliferation of American arms into the AFDRC such as: M16 rifle, M60 Machine gun, M40 rifle, Ithaca M37 shotgun, and the M79 grenade launcher this would begin to slowly replace the left over rifles from the colonial era and Congo crisis that the AFDRC has been forced to utilize in its wars against rebels and banditry of recent years. These American weapons will now allow the AFDRC to act more effectively against its enemies. President Mobutu also would begin talks with the United States over the importing of American Armor and vehicles to the DRC.

This reforming Military has now been rot with purges as Mobutu attempts to clear the ranks of could be rivals to his power who could now become armed with American weaponry. The units of the military prioritized to receive the weaponry first is based on the leaders of those units' loyalty to President Mobutu. The purging of these officers and military top brass would be attempted quietly to not arouse mutiny within the ranks with instead of murder and assassinations, those deemed untrustworthy shall be arrested on a myriad of charges and discredited throughout the military. Murder and Assassination was not left off the table though as some were deemed too influential to be left alive in prison till they could dealt with quieter. Those killed in these purges would have it be blamed by vague “rebel attacks” that many in the military knew was committed by the new Congolese SOF and saw the candidness of these attacks as a warning to dissenters.

| A CIA FOR THE CONGO, THE NATIONAL SECURITY INTELLIGENCE AGENCY [NSIA] - CIA PONA CONGO, LISANGA YA MAYELE YA LIBATELI MBOKA [LMLM] |

The enemies of Mobutu came from the inside for the most part, but they also laid outside of the borders of the DRC, at least in his mind they did. Mobutu claimed that the Soviets have been making attempts against his power for years now alongside the UAR who houses leftist Congolese groups. In the mind of Mobutu all leftist states were sending agents to the Congo and making attempts on his life and his regime. He frequently expressed these concerns to the United States delegation inside Kinshasa, till they finally relented and permitted the CIA to come and establish a long term mission to train the NSIA or known colloquially as The Libateli. This would effectively act as Mobutu’s secret police and be allowed permission to act with near impunity within the borders of the DRC and could be sent internationally to protect Mobutu from external threats and track down Congolese dissidents who have fled the country. Mobutu requested for the Libateli to eventually have 5,000 agents across The Congo.

PEACE-JUSTICE-WORK!

PAIX-JUSTICE-TRAVAIL !

| 10th Party Congress |

| The Grip of Paranoia |

_{June, 1970}
________________

It was the Tunisian Socialist Parties’ 10th party congress and since Tunisia and the TSP’s gradual shift to a personal autocracy since 1966, many of what would’ve been considered moderates had been removed or arrested and swiftly replaced with ideological henchmen to further strengthen and uphold the grip of General Secretary Youssef and only a few of the so-called political heavyweights remained at the helm. While almost all ministerial positions were immensely loyal to him, it was the commander of the Tunisan People’s Army Bahi Ladgham who was slowly being seen by party members as a political symbol for a more reformist age. The sluggish and static arrival of a new internal opposition based not on an ideological rival, but for a more modern and accelerated version of Youssef’s “Secular Socialism” and much more based on pragmatic thought and open debate than the increasingly tyrannous rule by one. While for now, Ladgham remains to the face of it, a key loyalist in one of the most senior positions in the party, but a bigger question plays at large at the 10th Party Congress - factionalism.

While the ban on factions themselves dwarfed any attempts of direct political control of the party, the TSP’s more pragmatic members who had avoided the consistent attempts of political purging throughout the 1960’s now looked to Youssef’s most trusted henchman of all, Ahmed Ben Salah. An economist at heart, Salah’s initial rise to political stardom was due to his fierce loyalty to the party’s dominant conservative branches, who didn’t want to move to a state-planned socialist economy. A former trade union leader, his appointment as head of the Tunisian Workers Union and De-Facto head of the party's enlarged and influential bureaucracy gave him a strong political foundation to build on. Since his appointment in 1962, he was quickly seen as a potential successor to Youssef, and while his age and health had been a major problem, the question of succession was always in the background. By the 1970 Party Congress, Ben Salah was now much more economically involved in the running of Tunisia, now a senior member of the Central Committee. While an active supporter of a more command-based economy, it was his all-round influence and effective power within the party which spared him of any possible purge. However, as the hopes of possible reform slithered throughout a large section of the party’s senior members, Youssef’s grip on power was to get a little more tighter.

He would announce in his and the congress’ opening speech several new reformist decrees, as per usual in his address. The decree covered a wide range of social reforms from guaranteeing free secondary and higher education, banning of any religiously-motivated and platformed secondary or higher education to adding the guarantee of equal pay and the banning of any child below the age of 16 to work at full-time level. While these moves were fairly popular amongst most of the party, it was the economic side for which a large portion of the TSP wanted to see genuine reform. While the era of a mixed economy based on an informal bond between businessman and government had seen success, the lack of revitalisation, diversification and liberalisation, all areas for which reformists saw as areas hindering economic growth, needed to be addressed. Despite Tunisia’s unique economic model, state involvement was still rife across the board, from the state ownership of major utilities, price regulations for essential goods and high state management of imports, and the moderates of the party silently pleaded for any attempt to liberalise the economy. However, Youssef did no such act. Instead of announcing any sort of economic reform at any level, he announced a major restructuring to how the Tunisan Socialist Party looked and worked. This was not only a move unknown to almost all members of the party, only a select few of his most loyal and senior noblemen, but fairly unpopular and to the more high-ranking moderates, saw a possibility of another purge coming there way.

The General-Secretary would publish the set of adjustments for the structure of the party, listed as such;

• Reduction of 12 Regional Party Cadres to 4.

• Establishment of the position of Party Chairman, of which will see the subsequent removal of the position of Prime Minister.

• Appointment of Mahmoud Messadi to the position of Party Chairman, with the sacking of Prime Minister Hédi Amara Nouira.

• Banning of the “Islamic Action Group”.

• Establishment of Party Treasurer with the subsequent sacking and merging of the position of Head of the Central Bank of Tunisia.

  While to the naked eye, these moves were just minor tweaks to an already highly party-dominated political system, but the sacking of the only-recently appointed Prime Minister Hédi Amara Nouira, who had also been the head of the CBT from 58-68 and a strong background in finance previously, showed a further tightening of grip on power. The centralisation of power further into the party, with now having de-facto control of Tunisia’s biggest bank as-well as the removal of the Prime Minister position, deemed one of the only few government-only slots for which had any influence over the General-Secretary. The streamlining and further centralisation of power to the party and therefore to Youssef himself had taken it a few steps further. But the General-Secretary was not finished yet.

  While the party itself was simply a socialist political movement, it was dominated by Youssef’s “Secular Socialism”. While perhaps in the earlier stages of his reign, he had been much more pragmatic to the idea of islam and it’s influence within Tunisian government and life in general, he sought that for Tunisia to move forward economically and socially, it needed the people to identify with Tunisia as a nation, not to a religion or ideology. So, Youssef would announce major changes concerning national policy and the constitution. In what could be seen as a politically-motivated manoeuvre to strengthen the ideological grip upon the TSP, he would announce a series of large-scale decrees listed as such;

  • Decree on Censorship and Political Action - A law which criminalised the promotion of any political ideology or policy deemed to be in opposition, whether violent or nonviolent, to the acceleration and progression of the Tunisian Socialist Republic.

  • Decree on Religion and Secularism - A law which will place new restriction on the building of any religious temple of worship, with the creation of new “Religious Prayer Zones” in areas of a high concentration of religious individuals.

  • Decree on Freedom of Media - A law which sees the creation of a state-ran media outlet, with the suspension of any privately-ran or alternative media outlets.

  • Decree on Emergency Powers - A law which empowers the authority of the General Secretary to implement emergency powers citing the suspension of civil and political liberties when needed.

  • Decree on People’s Assembly - A law which sees the streamlining of the Chamber of Deputies, with the reduction from 214 to 100 deputies, removal of the Speaker of the Chamber and creation of the 4 Regional Assemblies of 150 Deputies each.

  • Decree on Military Service - A law which requires any male from the age of 18 to take a mandatory 2 years of military service before they can enter civilian life.

  • Decree on Education and School - A law which will see the promotion of Secular Socialism and it’s core principles from a primary, secondary and further educational facility.

  • Decree on Educational Achievement - A law which sees the nationalisation of all forms of education under the singular parties’ Tunisian Education and Youth Branch.

  • Decree on Religious Affairs - A law which sees the creation of the Council of Religious Affairs aimed at regulating religious protection, combating extremism and political sectarianism.

    It was the biggest legislative and political change since Youssef’s rise to power in 1957, with momentum regulations on media, religion and political action, the regionalisation of legislative rubber-stamps and the promotion of the TSP’s own political ideology and thought - Youssefism. This was the start of a new type of reign, a reign based on control and continuation, not on reform and consistent progression.

SHŌWA 45 | JUNE 1970
二大産業


TWO MAJOR INDUSTRIES

 D I S P A T C H W O R K ¹ 

 オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり 

O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly!

AUTOMOTIVE AND FILM INDUSTRY

日本 | Jidōsha

by The State of Nippon-Nihon




░░ 日本 • NIHON ░░
—




J I D O S H A
.


In the 1960s Japanese manufacturers began to compete head-on in the domestic market, model for model. This was exemplified by the "CB-war" between the most popular compact sedans called the Toyota Corona and the Nissan Bluebird. While this initially led to benefits for consumers, before long R&D expenditures swelled and other companies offered competing compact sedans from Mazda, Subaru, Isuzu, Daihatsu and Mitsubishi. In the early 1970s, the Japanese electronics manufacturers began producing integrated circuits (ICs), microprocessors and microcontrollers for the automobile industry, including ICs and microcontrollers for in-car entertainment, automatic wipers, electronic locks, dashboard, and engine control. The Japanese automobile industry widely adopted ICs years before the American automobile industry.

Toyota also found success in the United States in 1965 with the Toyota Corona compact car, which was redesigned specifically for the American market with a more powerful engine. The Corona helped increase U.S. sales of Toyota vehicles to more than 20,000 units in 1966 (a threefold increase) and helped the company become the third-best-selling import brand in the United States by 1967. Nissan Mexicana was established in the early-1960s and commenced manufacturing in 1966 at the Cuernavaca assembly facility, making it Nissan's first North American assembly plant. In the wake of the 1973 oil crisis, consumers worldwide, especially in the lucrative US market, began turning to high-quality small economy cars. To meet the growing demand the new Nissan Sunny, the company built new factories in Mexico, Australia, New Zealand, Taiwan, United States, and South Africa. Mitsubishi was among a number of major Japanese conglomerates targeted for dissolution during the occupation of Japan. It was broken up into a large number of smaller enterprises whose stock was offered to the public.



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日本 | Japanese Cinema

by The State of Nippon-Nihon




░░ 日本 • NIHON ░░
—




N I H O N—E I G A
.




The period after the American Occupation led to a rise in diversity in movie distribution thanks to the increased output and popularity of the film studios of Toho, Daiei, Shochiku, Nikkatsu, and Toei. This period gave rise to the six great artists of Japanese cinema: Masaki Kobayashi, Akira Kurosawa, Ishirō Honda, Eiji Tsuburaya, Kenji Mizoguchi, and Yasujirō Ozu. Each director dealt with the effects the war and subsequent occupation by America in unique and innovative ways. During this decade, the works of Kurosawa, Honda, and Tsuburaya would become the first Japanese films to be widely distributed in foreign theaters.Kon Ichikawa captured the watershed 1964 Olympics in his three-hour documentary Tokyo Olympiad (1965). Seijun Suzuki was fired by Nikkatsu for "making films that don't make any sense and don't make any money" after his surrealist yakuza flick Branded to Kill (1967). The 1960s were the peak years of the Japanese New Wave movement, which began in the 1950s and continued through the early 1970s.

Toho and Shochiku competed with the influx of Hollywood films and boosted the film industry by focusing on new directors of the likes of Akira Kurosawa, Kon Ichikawa, Keisuke Kinoshita, Ishirō Honda, and Kaneto Shindo. Through the merger, they gained the combined talents and experience of actors Chiezō Kataoka, Utaemon Ichikawa, Ryunosuke Tsukigata, Ryūtarō Ōtomo, Kinnosuke Nakamura, Chiyonosuke Azuma, Shirunosuke Toshin, Hashizo Okawa, and Satomi Oka. The Art Theatre Guild (ATG) was a Japanese film production and distribution company which started in 1961, releasing mostly Japanese New Wave and art films. By 1967, ATG was assisting with production costs for a number of new Japanese films.

War movies covering themes previously restricted by SCAP began to be produced, such as Hideo Sekigawa's "Listen to the Voices of the Sea" (1950), Tadashi Imai's "Himeyuri no Tô - Tower of the Lilies" (1953), Keisuke Kinoshita's "Twenty-Four Eyes" (1954) and "Kon Ichikawa's "The Burmese Harp" (1956). Works showcasing tragic and sentimental retrospectives of the war experience became a public phenomenon. Other films produced include Battleship Yamato (1953) and Eagle of the Pacific (1953). Under these circumstances, movies such as "Emperor Meiji and the Russo-Japanese War (明治天皇と日露大戦争)" (1957), where Kanjūrō Arashi played Emperor Meiji, also appeared. It was a situation that was unthinkable before the war, the commercialization of the Emperor who was supposed to be sacred and inviolable. The period after the American Occupation led to a rise in diversity in movie distribution thanks to the increased output and popularity of the film studios of Toho, Daiei, Shochiku, Nikkatsu, and Toei. This period gave rise to the six great artists of Japanese cinema: Masaki Kobayashi, Akira Kurosawa, Ishirō Honda, Eiji Tsuburaya, Kenji Mizoguchi, and Yasujirō Ozu. Each director dealt with the effects the war and subsequent occupation by America in unique and innovative ways. During this decade, the works of Kurosawa, Honda, and Tsuburaya would become the first Japanese films to be widely distributed in foreign theaters.

Akira Kurosawa

Kon Ichikawa

Keisuke Kinoshita



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____________
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T H E  K I N G D O M  O F  P O R T U G A L  |  O  R E I N O  D E  P O R T U G A L 

"Mas olhe para esses homens,
eles se parecem com os pecadores que não são,
ou com os homens santos que são?"

~ Julio Varcruza (1456-1487)

𝐌𝐚𝐫𝐜𝐡 𝐨𝐧, 𝐀𝐳𝐨𝐫𝐞𝐬!

ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤ | The Azores, officially the Autonomous Region of the Azores (Região Autónoma dos Açores), is one of the two autonomous regions of Portugal (along with Madeira). It is an archipelago composed of nine volcanic islands in the Macaronesia region of the North Atlantic Ocean, about 1,400 km (870 mi) west of Lisbon, about 1,500 km (930 mi) northwest of Morocco, and about 1,930 km (1,200 mi) southeast of Newfoundland, Canada. This is what is known as the second Special Administrative District of Portugal, or SADP classification, which comprises of Madeira and the Azores, both given special autonomy on behalf of the government. The Azores have been extremely unstable lately as the regional government begins to deal with one fear come true; radical rebels. These rebels were mostly fled Marxist Supporters, or fled Radical Republicans. The Azores have assumed military action in the affected areas, but the protest grows. The Portuguese Foreign Ministry for the Azores (PFMA) is the specialized department that handles relations with the Azores. After hearing of the catastrophic protesters, the PFMA alerted the national government about the crisis. The national government responded, (after a 130-100 vote by parliament) sent military interventions to the Azores Archipelago on May 3rd, 1970. The Portuguese swiftly reacted to the end of the pointless rebellions that surround the Azores. The region is the closest region to the Portuguese mainland, so it was much easier to react to the situation. The army arrived on the night of the 4th, and took heed at the capital of the Azores, Ponta Delegada, and prepared for another protest to happen outside the walls of the city. The protesters amassed eventually, and soon there was a crowd of over 1,000 protesters, all having varying demands. However, one of the most radical takes was to recognize the Azores as an independent country. Portugal refused, and the military swiftly quelled the protesters using the demands of the Prime Minister. The protesters dispersed and soon no one remained. The Azores declared any opposition to the current delegation would have to be sent in as complaints to Portugal themselves.

|The opposition almost dissipated after the announcement was made. The people flooded the PFMA, and all were read and most were too radical to enact. The people of the Azores continued to live in harmony with the Portuguese and to this day, the Azores remains as a major archipelago within the Portuguese Kingdom.

𝐌 𝐈 𝐍 𝐈 𝐒 𝐓 𝐑 𝐘  𝐎 𝐅  𝐅 𝐎 𝐑 𝐄 𝐈 𝐆 𝐍  𝐀 𝐅 𝐅 𝐀 𝐈 𝐑 𝐒

| SÃO TOMÉ E PRÍNCIPE, SÃO TOMÉ CIDADE |

The New African Age, A Rejection of Colonialism

| The Portuguese efforts in Africa come to a screeching halt after mutiple independence movements in Angola and Mozambique and Cape Verde result in the announciation that the release and decolonozation of the Portuguese Colonies is very possible. When Goa was liberated in 1961, it started a chain of independence movements after it was shown possible by Goa. The government titled it 'the Goa Affect' as its dominoes tipped onto a chain of united independence movements. The Colonial Wars began as a result of the Goa Affect, and Portuguese Forces landed in Africa. Marcelo Caetano, Prime Minister of Portugal, gave a speech saying; "If the African Colonies feel repelled as to why the government insues such policies, they can report to new stations and cannot leave our union. . . for a rebelling state is nothing but chaos." Angola was one of the most affected. The parties were fighting for a common cause, but also fought on different terms. For example, the MPLA fought for a socialist union, while the UNITA party fought for the total independence of Angola as a Democratic Republic, (other parties involve FNLA, and FLEC). The same issues have been faced in Mozambique, but only one party was present there, which was the FRELIMO and Guinea-Bissau PAIGC. Most of the parties are a worrying aspect to Portugal, as most are Marxist or Socialist in nature. The Portuguese Nation had previously fought vigorously to keep its colony, in recent years, though, the Portuguese have been stamped out of Africa at this point. "I predict in a mere four years, Angola is gone, for good."

| Regarding other African Colonies, the currently most stable colonies are Cape Verde and Sao Tome and Principe, both colonies have (so far) shown no major signs of rebellion. The colonies do have total independence programs though, for example, the Sao Tome Independence Movement, or STIM, and the Politcal Union for Independence of Cape Verde, or PUICV. The governments in Cape Verde and Sao Tome are currently ethnic Portuguese and the government supports Portuguese occupation. This can easily change in the future, though. The Azores serve as a monitor base on Cape Verde while Sao Tome is the farthest from the homeland, making it difficult to monitor. The Sao Tome populace, shows no signs of rebellion as of right now. The Cape Verde ports still serve the Portuguese well, and the national identity of Cape Verde is recognized by the Portuguese; in fact, after demands from a protest, Cape Verde was the first colony to be given full autonomy in internal affairs, making Cape Verde the third recognized Autonomous Region of Portugal, along with the Azores and Madeira. The Cape Verde shows no signs (currently) for breaking from Portugal, however the people grow with resentment to Portuguese occupation, for now, people are completely fine with the Portuguese occupation. The island region is one of the last bastions in Africa, including Sao Tome and Principe.

| Mozambique is the second largest colony in Africa, behind Angola. The Mozambique have shown aggressive towards Portuguese occupation and are supporters of the decolonization of Africa, along with Portuguese Guinea, which are all aggressive to Portuguese Occupation. The Portuguese Guinea Colony was recently given State-Hood, and became the first State of Portugal. The colony begins to break away from the Portuguese empire and is trying to join the independent scene in Africa. As the independence movements in both colonies grow, the likely hood of them staying under Portuguese Occupation becomes unlikely.

| The Portuguese Empire goes through this new decolonization era, and the people of Portugal begin to support the letting go of these once firmly controlled colonies, the Portuguese government seemingly supports the full release of colonies that do not support Portuguese occupation. The colonies now succed from the union and the lands begin to devolp their own national identity.

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by The Brazilian States of Rudnatia

S O O D H A W O O W!
W E L C O M E !

|| Somalia || || || Government || || || Archives || || || Foreign Affairs || || || Defence || || || Economics ||

Welcome to the Great Somalian Republic !

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Dardaaran Eebe waa Dardaaran Soomaliya | Allah's Will is Somalia's Will

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_{P O L I S H‎ ‎ ‎ P E O P L E ' S ‎ ‎ R E P U B L IC‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ •‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ P O L S K A‎ ‎ ‎ R Z E C Z P O S P O L I T A‎ ‎ ‎ L U D O W A}

_{Austerity measures taken
June, 1970}
|_{Food and other commodity prices on the rise.}|
_{Warsaw City, Gomułka's Office, Poland1st — Morning}

| In the quiet of his office, Władysław Gomułka sank into his chair, surveying a desk buried beneath a sea of papers. Each document bore witness to Poland's economic woes: a daunting national budget deficit, dismal agricultural output, and a litany of other challenges. As the party secretary of the P.Z.P.R., Gomułka bore the weight of blame and duty. With a heavy sigh, he set about bringing order to the chaos before his imminent meeting with party members and central ministers. After methodically sorting the papers into tidy stacks, Gomułka left his office and descended to the meeting room below. Upon entering, he was immediately swept up in a tempest of discord. Tension crackled in the air as party officials and ministers fervently debated, their voices melding into a cacophony of disagreement. As Gomułka took his place at the head of the table, the fervor of the discussion momentarily subsided, all eyes turning to him in anticipation of his leadership. |

| _{Władysław Gomułka, Party Chairman} | “I apologize for the delay. Having reviewed some of the documents, I would appreciate an update on this month's performance. The agriculture department can go first.”

| All eyes turned expectantly towards the young representative from the agricultural ministry, who appeared somewhat new to such proceedings, he felt a surge of nerves ripple through him. Despite the apprehension gnawing at his gut, he squared his shoulders and bravely stepped into the spotlight, acutely aware of the scrutiny of the high-ranking officials fixed upon him. |

| _{Horacy Żebrowski, Agricultural Representative} | “Thank you, Chairman Gomułka, for allowing me to present our update. Regrettably, despite our diligent efforts, the agricultural ministry has faced hurdles in meeting the latest quota for food produce. I'm disappointed to report that we've fallen short by twenty-five percent compared to the monthly target.”

| Palpable tension gripped the room. The gathered officials, their expressions ranging from furrowed brows to tight-lipped frowns, exchanged concerned glances and muttered amongst themselves in hushed tones. Chairman Gomułka, his usually composed demeanor giving way to a furrowed brow, listened intently, his gaze unwavering as he absorbed the gravity of the news |

| _{Władysław Gomułka, Party Chairman} | “I see. This issue appears to have persisted for some time now. I trust your department has already formulated measures to address it?”
| _{Horacy Żebrowski, Agricultural Representative} | “Chairman Gomułka, we've been actively addressing this challenge. Alongside enhancing training programs and adopting new farming techniques, we believe that further investment into the agricultural sector is imperative. Which would significantly aid in ameliorating the quota deficit.”

| Amidst the discussion, an economist from the finance ministry interjected, his voice cutting through the deliberation with a sense of urgency. |

| _{Kondrad Brus, Finance Representative} | “Chairman Gomułka, esteemed colleagues, While I appreciate the efforts of the agricultural ministry, we cannot overlook the pressing issue of the budget deficit. I propose that we carefully evaluate budget allocations across various sectors, including agriculture, to effectively address this deficit. Tough decisions must be made to safeguard the financial stability of our nation. We have been accruing debt for years, and the repercussions are beginning to manifest”

| In the charged atmosphere of the meeting room, multiple officials engaged in fervent debate, their voices echoing off the walls as they clashed over proposed budget reductions. Each official passionately argued their case, vehemently opposing cuts that threatened to undermine their departments' ability to meet quotas and fulfill essential needs. It wasn't till Chairman Gomułka intervene did the group quieted down. |

| _{Władysław Gomułka, Party Chairman} | “Gentlemen, I align with Kondrad Brus's evaluation. Austerity measures are imperative to tackle our urgent budget deficit and secure the financial stability of our nation. Horacy Żebrowski, I empathize with the challenges confronting your department. Nevertheless, to increase revenue and alleviate financial strain, I encourage you to consider the prospect of raising prices for agricultural products. Meeting adjourned”
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Hello everyone I join!

_{S O C I A L I S T‎ ‎ ‎ R E P U B L IC‎ ‎ ‎ O F‎ ‎ ‎ R O M A N I A‎ ‎ ‎ •‎ ‎ ‎ ‎R E P U B L I C A‎ ‎ ‎ S O C I A L I S T Ă‎ ‎ ‎ R O M Â N I A}

A call for help - May-June floods (I)

_{Mai 1970, Comitetul Central al Partidului Comunist Român, București, Republica Socialistă România}

_{May 1970, Central Committee of The Communist Party of Romania, Bucharest, Socialist Republic of Romania}

| Throughout the month of May 1970, the Socialist Republic of Romania has been grappling with a devastating series of floods, leaving a trail of destruction and despair in their wake. With reports indicating widespread devastation and a staggering loss of life, Romania has been plunged into a state of emergency, necessitating urgent action and international assistance.

| As the floodwaters have surged, claiming lives and engulfing communities, the Socialist Republic of Romania has mobilized its resources to confront the crisis head-on. From the bustling streets of Bucharest to the tranquil countryside, the nation has witnessed a remarkable outpouring of solidarity and support as citizens rally to aid their fellow countrymen.
At the forefront of relief efforts has been His Excellency Comrade Constantin Rotaru, General Secretary of The Communist Party of Romania, President of The Presidium of The Great National Assembly, President of the State Council, President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Supreme Commander of The People's Army, beloved and esteemed son of all Romanian people, the Genius of the Carpathians, the revered Conducător of the nation whose tireless efforts have provided a lifeline to those most in need. Coordinating assistance in the counties of Galati, Braila, Ialomita, and Tulcea, the Genius of the Carpathians has worked tirelessly to distribute essential supplies, offer medical aid, and provide comfort to those grappling with loss.
Despite the valiant efforts of its citizens, Romania recognizes the need for additional support from the international community. With a call for assistance reverberating across the globe

_{| The continuing disaster serves as a sobering reminder of the fragility of life and the importance of international solidarity in times of crisis. |}

_{E scris pe Tricolor unire! Pe roșu steag liberator! Prin lupte sub a lor umbrire, spre Comunism urcăm în zbor!
Trăiască Partidul Comunist Român în frunte cu al său secretar general, tovarășul Constantin Rotaru!}

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The wind howled through the skeletal branches of the pines, a mournful symphony that mirrored the mood of Jaan. Huddled in a makeshift shelter of branches and canvas, he nursed a mug of lukewarm tea, his cigar wafting smoke throughout the shelter. Across from him, sat his closest confidant, a grizzled farmer named Mikk.

"Another summer," Jaan muttered, staring into the dying embers of the fire. "Another season under their boot."

Mikk grunted in agreement. He wasn't a man of many words, but the furrow in his brow spoke volumes. They were both former soldiers, their hearts heavy with the weight of a stolen homeland. The Forest Brothers, as they called themselves, were a flickering ember of resistance against the iron fist of the Soviet occupation.

Jaan set his mug down, a glint of steely resolve in his eyes. "We can't keep fighting shadows, Mikk. We need a plan, a way to strike back without getting buried in a mass grave."

Mikk nodded, his calloused hand instinctively reaching for the ornately carved wooden horse he kept tucked in his pocket, a memento of a life before Soviet rule. "We need more than just a few men in the woods."

Jaan smiled, a spark of hope igniting in his chest. He reached into his pack and pulled out a worn map, carefully tracing the outline of a nearby village. "More eyes, more ears. We build a network, Mikk. Farmers, shopkeepers, anyone with a fire in their belly for a free Estonia."

Mikk's eyes lit up. The idea was simple, yet brilliant. "We can't fight them head-on, but we can be a thorn in their side. We gather information, provide safe houses, become ghosts in the night."

Jaan grinned. "We become the whispers in the wind, the rustle of leaves, a constant reminder that Estonia isn't theirs."

The plan was far from perfect. They had no radios, no weapons caches, just a shared hatred for their oppressors and a flicker of hope. But as the first rays of dawn painted the sky with streaks of orange and pink, Jaan felt a renewed sense of purpose. They were small, but they were no longer alone.

International Association Football Federation | Fédération internationale de football association

FIFA World Cup 1970 | Copa Mundial de la FIFA 1970

THE GROUP STAGES (PART 1)

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After a nail-biting opener between Colombia and China, seeing the hosts come out on top with a world-beating goal, we move on to the first set of Group Stage matches. These first matches may not be definitive for the rest of the tournament, but they do give us the opportunity to assess the relative strength, form and skill of the teams, and also allows us to make our predictions for the upcoming matches. Nevertheless, every team competing today will be fielding their very best to assure a strong start to their campaigns, with these early matches being all important to the success and the longevity of the sides in the tournament. We've got some exciting match-ups today, so let's head down to our pitch-side correspondents for their reports on these contests.

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GROUP A

Bulgaria 1-1 South Africa

Kicking things off on the 13th June we head to the Estadio Manuel Murillo Toro in Ibagué for our second group stage match. It's the first meeting between these two sides, with each bringing something to the table as they come off the back of an impressive run of form in recent years. The first half was tense, with both sides pushing for possession in the early stages. South Africa looked to keep the momentum going as the minutes ticked on, pressing the Bulgarian defence and gaining a number of chances from set-pieces. Finally, the deadlock was broken in the 19th minute with an impressive header from South African Rodney Bush, to give them the lead. Bush leaped over the defenders near the far post and slotted the ball out of reach of the Bulgarian keeper. Bulgaria weren't going to keel over that easily, and immediately began to press the midfield to turn the tide. Their efforts saw them record nearly four chances as many minutes, with the side pushing for the equaliser. Despite impressive defensive instinct from the South Africans, the equaliser came from the boot of Petar Zhekov, who's long strike outside the box fired into the back of the net to make it 1-1 by the 31st minute. From here, the game turned into a battle of attrition, but despite their many chances, neither side could retake the lead. Full time left both teams on equal footing, with their next matches all important for their campaigns.

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GROUP B

Korea 2-2 Costa Rica

We then travelled to Pereira, where the Asian champions Korea faced off against underdogs Costa Rica. Korea were expected to take an easy first win here. From the first whistle, the Korean side looked to have things under control, dominating possession and forcing the Costa Ricans on the defensive. Recent investments into Korean football look to have paid off, with some commenting the skill of the Korean side would not look out of place in Europe or South America. The first goal came from Park Su-deok in the 14th minute, the cross coming in from the right side of the box being met with a thundering volley to send them in front. The success of this early goal kept the team in high spirits as they maintained their lead for the duration of the first half, with Costa Rica securing only one credible chance on the Korean goal. With the second half coming, a number of changes for the exhausted Korean team were in order. However, Costa Rica looked to be a team inspired with their early play. In the 66th minute, Roy Saenz fired a header from a deep corner ball bringing the score level, sending the fans into a frenzy. The goal stunned the Korean defence, but they immediately went on the counter, looking for any chances to get back ahead and not to lose the momentum. A clumsy tackle lead to a free kick, fired into the net by Chung Ho-seon to give the lead back to Korea in the 74th minute. It was all looking secure for Korea to go back to their camp with three points, until the 85th minute, when poor defending from a corner kick gave forward Mario Vega a quick tap in the rolled into the net to equalise the match. By the final whistle, there had not been a response. Both teams going away with a point, not the start Korea would have wanted but a miracle for Costa Rica, as their hopes for the next round will be high.

Yugoslavia 2-1 Uruguay

A meeting of two of the giants of the sport in Medellin was expected to cause sparks in this early match. Both sides looked to be on form and with strong squads, it could have been anyones game today. The match started with Yugoslavia holding onto possession, using the slow-build tactic to try and counter the fast paced and skilled play of the Uruguayans. This paid off, as within 8 minutes, Jurica Jerkovic sent the Balkan nation ahead with a fantastic strike just from the edge of the box. Such power was put behind this shot that the keeper couldn't stop it, even getting a hand on the ball before it charged past him. Advantage Yugoslavia, and the advantage they held for the rest of the half, with Uruguay trying their best to secure an equaliser but finding themselves incapable of overcoming that strong midfield. Second half, and Uruguay continued their offensive, trying to break the deadlock. With almost five chances in as many minutes, they were not letting up. However, their spirits appeared broken as Dragan Dzajic sent a volley into the back of the net to bring the score to 2-0, fans celebrating at the Uruguayans expense. Just a few minutes later, Uruguay found themselves in position for a corner kick. As the ball came in short and close to goal, it deflects off Yugoslavia's captain Stepanovic for the first own-goal of the tournament. This goal looked to be the start of Uruguay's come-back, but they were unable to find the answer to Yugoslavia's on-pitch dominance by the end of the match.

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GROUP C

West Germany 4-2 Haiti

Haiti had one of the toughest debut matches in World Cup history, facing reigning World Champions West Germany. Reporters were calling this the most uneven match-up in football history prior to the first whistle. The first half seemed to prove this, with the Germans all over the Haitian side, looking overwhelmed and powerless against the experienced squad. This was solidified given 10 minutes, a volley coming in from Helmut Haller to secure Germany's lead and sending them ahead. The first half was difficult for the Caribbeans, constantly on the defensive, preventing shot after shot from making it towards the goal. As the second half began, Haiti created a name for themselves as a team never to be underestimated. Philippe Vorbe, having never faced a team from outside of North America before, delivering the equaliser from a header to bring the score level, with the Haitian fans going wild in the stands. This equaliser stood for almost ten minutes, until the unthinkable happened. Guy Francois, Haiti's premier striker, delivering nothing short of a wonder-strike to score from the distance, and in a shock turn of events, the Haitians lead the World Champions 2-1 in the 70th minute. However, you should never count the Germans out, as before the celebrations had even died down, Germany's star striker Gerd Muller fired a long shot into the net to bring the equaliser. From here, the match became tense, both sides proving their capability. Haiti had a few strong chances to retake the lead, but the German defence rallied around Beckenbauer, affectionately nicknamed Der Kaiser, to prevent any shots going through. Muller sent Germany back into the lead with a build-up with teammate Uwe Seeler in the 85th minute, a comfortable tap-in securing it. Just as the match came to a close, Franz Beckenbauer delivered the final blow with a fantastic free kick to make it four. Final whistle, and what a game that was. Haiti have shown they aren't afraid of going toe-to-toe with the best, and we'll expect more from them in this tournament.

France 2-1 Iran

France face off against another of Asia's finest, as they look to redeem their lack-luster performance in 1966. The French squad, with a strong run of form, looked to dominate the first half, with Iranian coaches immediately focusing on close man-on-man marking to counter the spirited French attack. Holding the French for as long as they can, the Iranians could do nothing to stop the boot of Charly Loubet, who fired France into the lead within 14 minutes, and giving Les Bleus the advantage. Iran could not find their way through the French line in the first half, despite some impressive counter-attack plays, which were ultimately shut down by the impressive speed with which the French were able to drop back into the box. Despite this, Iran dominated chances in the first half, with France looking unwilling to test the waters for a second goal. By the second half, the Iranian offensive continued, albeit with some clumsy balls flying towards the French box. In the blink of an eye however, a clumsy tackle lead to the referee awarding Iran a penalty kick. Hossein Kalani, an expect penalty taker, slotted the ball away with ease to bring Iran level with the French. It wasn't over there yet, as both teams began to fight for possession in the midfield, looking for a breakthrough. This finally came in the 70th minute, with Herve Revelli depositing a low-ball into the back of the Iranian goal. Despite more attempts, neither team could add to their tally by the final whistle, France starting strong here and Iran showing some promising play.

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GROUP D

Norden 1-1 Kurdistan

Kurdistan's long-awaited World Cup debut would come against the Scandinavian side, a strong performer in these tournaments. The Kurds, having experienced one of the most dramatic rises in international football, were looking to make a strong impression in this first match. Both sides were evenly matched, though the Nordic players having more experience at higher levels of club and international football, and both sides were eager to secure an early advantage. The first half was slow, mainly played in the midfield with little chances on either side. The physical play was looking to already test the fitness limits of both sides. It was the Kurds, through some spectacular play, who opened scoring. Captain Salahaddin Yousefi striking true to find the back of the Nordic net as the Estadio General Santander erupted into chaos from the Kurdish fans. The goal was celebrated so intensely that the Kurdish side had to be warned by the referee to return to the centre or face disciplinary action. This goal proved to be the turning point for the match, as from here, the match was dominated by the Kurdish team, holding a majority of possession and chances for the duration of the first and second half. However, their failure to secure a second goal would eventually come to haunt them, especially in the final 10 minutes, where Norden took advantage of the exhausted Kurdish side to start their counter-offensive. This bore fruit in the 89th minute, with a leaping header securing a last-minute equaliser, ending their hopes for a debut World Cup win. A tough match for both sides, but enough to set them up with a point each and expectations for the next matches.

Italy 2-0 Ghana

The reigning European champions faced off against Africa's newest competitor in this opening match. Italy look to be one of the favourites for this tournament, securing a strong performance in the previous tournament before ultimately being defeated in the final. Ghana are one of the rising forces in African football, and were looking to make an statement on the international stage. This desire showed in the first half, with the Ghanaians pushing in the early stages to try and get an early goal, taking the Italians largely by surprise and forcing them on an unexpected retreat. Their physical style of play looks to be overwhelming the Italians here as we see the unfamiliar sight of them forced into defensive play. This dynamic lasted for most of the first half, by the end of which Italy had managed to start pushing forward and setting themselves up with chances. On chance, a free-kick close to the box, was neatly slotted away by Gigi Riva, sending the Italians ahead by the end of the first half. This goal did little to deter in unquenchable Ghanaians, as they continued their full-frontal assault on Italy's defence. However, the defence stood firm, preventing any serious threats from the African side. Consequentially, chances were rare for Italy as well, seeing them trail in the statistics of the match. It would take until the 83rd minute for Italy to secure their second goal from the head of Roberto Boninsegna, sending the Italians into the comfort zone, though still, not stopping the Ghanaians from seeking retribution. Final whistle, and Ghana leave disappointed but proving they're not a side to be taken lightly in this tournament.

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GROUP E

Portugal 3-0 Nigeria

Nigeria make their debut in the World Cup against Portugal, who themselves compete in only their second ever tournament. Expectations are high on both these sides after strong qualifying performances, with the Portuguese side all too familiar with the pressure that comes with making your debut in the World Cup. The first half began and Portugal looked to take an early advantage, pressing the Nigerian midfield who themselves used their more physical play to try and overcome the Europeans. By the 9th minute however, from the head of Eusebio that sent the Portuguese ahead to the cheers of the crowd. An early goal gave Portugal the faith they needed to dominate the early stages of the match, looking for the second goal to keep themselves ahead and to stay the threat of a Nigerian equaliser. It was their hero Eusebio who delivered this second goal, after a clumsy tackle from the Nigerian defence saw a penalty given, which was neatly slotted away by the star striker. The two goal lead saw Portugal settle into the match for the remainder of the first half, opting to hang back and defend from the Nigerian attack. The second half saw more chances coming the way of Nigeria, leading counter-attack after counter-attack to try and claw back an equaliser. The defenders, however, were too much for the African side, wrestling them from the ball on more than one occasion. Nigeria's defeat was sealed when Jacinto Joao struck a fast paced low-ball from distance into the back of the net to make it three. Portugal secure a strong first performance in a group where they will be tested by some of the toughest teams in the world.

Brazil 6-3 Poland

Favourites Brazil faced off against Poland in their first match, the latter of which had not experienced a strong World Cup performance for some time now. The match was expected to be fairly one sided, and some did not expect much from Brazil's opponents in this match. This was confirmed after Pele secured the first goal for the Brazilians in the 12th minute, a fantastic run followed by a strike that was simply too good for the keeper to save. The Brazilians looked to be in control of this match, but within minutes, a fumble from the Brazilian defenders saw Bernard Blaut make a fantastic run into space and strike to give Poland the equaliser, to the complete shock of the crowds. From here, Poland continued to turn the tide of the match, securing chance after chance and playing dangerously deep into the Brazilian half. All this play culminated in a penalty kick being given to the Poles, from which Lubanski fired a powerful shot home to give Poland a surprise lead in this match. The penalty stunned the commentators, but the match wasn't done with it's surprises. Within just a few minutes, the Brazilians had found an answer to bring the match level again, with Rivellino securing this from a volley to bring the score 2-2. The fans couldn't ask for a more exciting first half, with expectations high for the second half. Brazil wasted no time in getting theemselves ahead again, and within three minutes of the second half, Tostao struck a fantastic shot from well outside the box to give Brazil the lead once again. Holding on, Poland continued to press but found themselves unable to stem the tide of the Brazilian offensive. A through ball to Tostao, despite being marked, saw an incredible bit of skill to turn and shoot, giving Brazil yet another goal. Ten minutes later, Poland's fate seemed sealed after another wonder-strike from the Brazilians, this time from the foot of Jairzinho, gave them a fifth goal and sent them well into the lead. But in this match that just keeps on giving, two minutes later Deyna Kazimierz secured a goal back for the Eastern Europeans, with hopes of the come-back high with 20 minutes remaining. Brazil looked to defend and prevent just that from happening, and by the 85th minute, Rivellino tapped the ball into the net to give them their safety net back. One of the first matches of the tournament and already a contender for best match, with some incredible goals securing an amazing display of football here in Ibague.

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GROUP F

Netherlands 3-2 Spain

The first match of the 'group of death' sees two of Europe's finest teams come head to head. Both strong qualifiers for this tournament, it is shaping up to be a tough match and a spectacle for the fans to behold. With the first whistle, the teams spring into action, with the Dutch side playing their new tactics that have brought them success in Europe at both international and club level. In the early stage, it looks as though the Dutch had the advantage, pressing into the Spanish half and forcing them back. The first goal came within 13 minutes, where Peit Keizer picked up a deflection from the Spanish keeper and fired home to send them into the lead. The early goal looked to rattle the Spaniards, but the answer soon came from their star striker Ramon Grosso, who struck from outside the box to beat the Dutch keeper and bring them level again in the 20th minute. The first half remained level, both sides jostling for possession and statistically coming out mostly even in the match. By the second half, Spain looked to push for the lead, with Grosso securing this for them just four minutes into the second half, tapping the ball in from short-distance after a corner kick. Spain looked set to now hold their lead by dropping back, but the Dutch were not keen on letting them go that easily. Some impressive offensive play saw the Dutch push into the Spanish box, and in the 56th minute, poor defending lead to a penalty being given to the Dutch. Johan Cruyff stepped up to take, and fired the Netherlands level with ease as Spain now looked to retake the lead. Chance after chance came for both sides as the minutes ticked on, neither side able to secure that all important goal. With the last kick of the match, the Dutch fired in a corner, which miraculously was met by the head of Cruyff to send the Netherlands into the lead, securing their first win of the tournament and sending Spain back to camp with no points.

Argentina 0-1 Cameroon

Cameroon faced the world number 1 team Argentina in yet another difficult World Cup debut. Despite the match-up on paper, Argentina had suffered a less-than-positive qualifying campaign, nearly losing their spot to Paraguay on several occasions. The first half kicked off and Argentina pushed to try and secure an early goal to cement their lead and to set themselves up for what was expected to be a relatively easy match. The Argentinians pressed into the Cameroonians box time and time again but failed to connect any shots, many of which simply deflected by the African side. The first half became a difficult show to watch for the fans, with many open chances going to waste, the Argentines simply not looking like themselves. By the close of the first half, Cameroon began to press for their first chances, firing some impressive shots towards goal but ultimately failing to secure the lead. By the second half, many expected more of the same, with both sides trading shots back and forth. However, the stadium was brought to silence when in the 66th minute, Docta Bassanguen managed to connect a shot coming from a deflected corner kick into the back of the Argentine net, shockingly giving the debutants the lead. An incredible turn of events as the Argentinians were stunned by what was happening. The second half saw Argentina push for an equaliser, but ultimately fail, proving incapable of securing the goal they needed and concluding one of the most shocking cases of giant-killing the World Cup has ever seen.

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GROUP G

Australia 2-1 Guatemala

Australia faced debutants Guatemala in their first match, hoping to secure an early win to bolster their World Cup campaign. Guatemala are looking to secure a strong start to try and cause some upsets in what looks to be a difficult group for them. From kick-off, it looks as though the Australians hold the advantage in their hands, with strong offensive play overwhelming the largely inexperienced Guatemalan side. Their efforts bear results in the 21st minute, with Adrian Alston scoring from the free-kick to send the Australians ahead. Despite this, Guatemala continue to play strong, defending well against the formidable side. However, despite this, their efforts prove not enough to deal with a 34th minute strike from Dennis Yaager to send the Australians ahead by two. The first half seems to be dominated by the Matilda's as they lead in all areas of the match. The second half sees Guatemala start making efforts to press into the Australian half, with some good attempts falling just short of the mark. The Australians look to be defending well despite the spirited play of their opponents. However, a 78th minute penalty for Guatemala brings them back into the match, Daniel Salamanca striking hard to give them the goal they need. Despite this, Guatemala are unable to secure an equaliser, and Australia leave with three points from their opening match.

England 3-0 Peru

England look in strong form to face against their South American opponents Peru in this first match. Boasting a talented and experienced squad, they look to take the fight to the young and athletic Peruvian squad. The first half remains level, both sides having some good chances but ultimately neither side able to break the deadlock as the first half moves on. Eventually, it's none other that Geoff Hurst who brings England head, a fantastic header from the corner kick delivered into the box in the 34th minute to make it advantage England in this match. Peru continue their offensive through to the end of the first half, but are unable to breach the strong English defence. By the second half, England look comfortable and in control of the match, leading in statistics and pushing further into the Peruvian half. Bobby Moore secures the second goal with a tap in from yet another corner, sending England further into the lead. Just five minutes later, they make it three, with a fantastic shot from Alan Ball from outside the box. As the second half comes to a close, some late chances from Peru seek to deprive the English of a clean sheet, but it's not enough as Alf Ramseys mend finish the match with a strong victory and three points to set themselves up for what is expected to be a strong campaign for them.

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GROUP H

Sudan 1-1 Czechoslovakia

Sudan face off against Czechoslovakia in one of the final games of this round, with both sides eager to start strong in the tournament. Czechoslovakia secure an early advantage, holding the ball in the midfield and looking to exploit the Sudanese defence for chances. The experienced side weave their way through, looking for a good chance to secure the first goal. The chance finally comes, where poor defending from Sudan leads to a penalty. Petras, a strong penalty taker, fires home and gives the European side the lead within just 11 minutes. The goal secures their lead and their grip on the first half, with more chances coming and going for them, but they are ultimately unable to find a second goal before the end of the first half. As the second half begins, a change in tactics sees Sudan on the offensive, trying for the equaliser. The goal finally comes for them after a series of back-and-forth headers finally finds Sudanese star Jaksa Abbas, who taps the ball in just out of reach of the Czechoslovak keeper to give them the equaliser. The goal secures the scoreline for the rest of the match, despite strong efforts from the Europeans to retake the lead. Final whistle, with both teams having hoped for more from this first match, but they come away with a point each and are still in a strong position to push for a successful campaign in the latter stages of the group.

Mexico 2-1 Romania

Our final match of this stage of the tournament sees tournament dark-horses Mexico face off against Europe's latest qualifier Romania, in what could prove to be a very tough match for both sides. Both teams bringing strong talent to this match, this could be an excellent way to end the group stages. Mexico spring into action with the first whistle, dominating play in the opening moments of the match and securing a strong start for their team. Within 8 minutes, Isidoro Diaz sends the Mexicans ahead with a fantastic header from the corner. The goal reverberates through the cheers in the stadium, leading them to secure their advantage early on. The Romanians, used to having to fight from a goal down, respond with some excellent forward play. As the first half goes on, the scales tip in favour of Romania, and in the 31st minute, they secure the equaliser following a fantastic strike from Gheorghe Tataru to level the tie. The first half ends level and the second half is all to play for, as both sides push for the lead. Despite good play from the Europeans, Mexico retake their lead from Diaz's strike after some excellent build up in the 61st minute, a lead they hold onto for the remainder of the match despite strong performances from the Romanian team. Disappointing for the Romanians and the perfect start for Mexico, it's still open in this group but Mexico's spirits will be high as we head into the second round of matches.

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