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«12. . .92,10092,10192,10292,10392,10492,10592,106. . .92,19492,195»

Post by Persequimur umbras suppressed by Paramountica.

Persequimur umbras

Merry Meet

Order of fire wrote:Hi

Post by Capotzka suppressed by Paramountica.

Capotzka

Order of fire wrote:Hi

Hello

Post by Vladiovoska suppressed by Paramountica.

Vladiovoska

I am going to invade little daguo

      MAY 1961
      Sarah and Kennedy

     O R D E M   E   P R O G R E S S O 

      Hail, precious banner of hope!
      Hail, august symbol of peace!
      Thy noble presence to our minds
      The greatness of our motherland does bring.

    THE WHITE HOUSE
    WASHINGTON D.C., Paramountica — AFTERNOON

    | After the successful trip to Africa, Brazil’s President SARAH KUBITSCHEK will head to her next destination, the United States. The main focus of the meeting will be to discuss Brazil’s debt with the United States, Brazil will also ask for American help to build two refineries in the Amazon. At the Washington airport, going down the stairs of the Brazilian presidential plane, SARAH finds herself surrounded by journalists, her ministers close behind. President SARAH shook hands with Brazil’s Ambassador to the U.S., WALTHER MOREIRA SALLES, followed by 52-year-old U.S. Vice President Lyndon LYNDON B. JONHSON, and finally President JONH F. KENNEDY and his wife, the beautiful First Lady JACQUELINE “JACKIE” KENNEDY. |

    | Then, an 8-year-old girl presented SARAH with a beautiful bouquet of flowers, next to her was her husband, Brazil’s First Gentleman JUSCELINO KUBITSCHEK, who greeted the girl and her mother. The two leaders got into the car and headed to the White House, where the meeting will take place. In Brazil, left-wing Vice President JOÃO “JANGO” GOULART met with some politicians who are not favorable to SARAH’s pro-U.S. foreign policy, so they elaborated a new foreign policy called Independent Foreign Policy (I.F.P.), which will defend Brazil’s independence in relation to the two blocs (Western Bloc and Eastern Bloc) and the promotion of dialogue and trade with all countries, without ideological restrictions. As soon as SARAH returns to Brazil, this new foreign policy will be presented to her, but the chance of her accepting it is very low. She is committed to further strengthening U.S.-Brazil relations. |

    | At the end of the meeting between the two heads of state, SARAH and KENNEDY shook hands once more, so White House staff escorted her to her car. SARAH will be staying at the most expensive hotel in Washington. President KENNEDY invited her, her husband, and the entire Brazilian delegation to a dinner at the White House. Faced with the serious economic crisis in the country, SARAH decided to save money, she will wear a simple dress with few jewels. |

    May, 1961

    Saudi Arabia intervene in the Moroccan civil war.

When the civil war in Morocco began three months ago, King Faisal bin Abdulaziz promise to support the monarchists faction in hope of restoring the Moroccan monarchy and prevent Nasser and soviet influence gaining more ground in the region. Faisal did this by sending supplies and military equipment to the monarchist faction and even sends some of Saudi military advisers to train the monarchist forces in using the new weaponry. This proves successful as the monarchist faction were gaining more territory and defeating their rival, but at the cost of 4,671 of their men. Not wanting them to lose their momentum and there strong success in winning the war, King Faisal decided to have Saudi Arabia to officially intervene in the civil war on the monarchist side. King Faisal order the mobilization of 1,000 strong Saudi forces. The 1,000 forces will be transported through flight, where they will gathered at Jeddah and will fly across Sudan and through the Sub-Saharan Africa region where they will finally arrived in morocco and landing at the monarchist controlled territories in the city of Casablanca.

May Allah bring victory to the righteous warrior of Saudi Arabians and Moroccans monarchists.

A Sit Down for Negotiations: Fate of the West Indies In the Balance

1961

| As the referendum on the status of the creation of an independent West Indies Federation approaches, the party leaders Prime Minister Robert Bradshaw of the West Indies Labour Party, and Alexander Bustamante of the Conservative Party have sat down to hash out negotiations. If successful the two would be able to form a coalition to ensure a yes vote on the status of the federation.

The first major issue would be the structure of the government itself. Bustamante and the Conservatives argued for a loose federation, almost akin to the Canadian model. This would leave wide-sweeping tax collection, healthcare, and education responsibilities to individual islands, while the federal government would be much more restrained. The centralist faction, while weakened since the fall of Grantley Adams, still was a major faction in the Federation. The centralist doctrine argued for a strong unitary government, with only limited rights for states, that could always be taken away by the federal and executive powers.

On social issues, racism, and exploitation still loomed large in the minds of many. While Grantley Adams had been removed from office, his ideas were still popular among a small subset of the Federal government. This led to worries, that a potential resurgence of the Nationalist Party of the West Indies could lead to the institution of authoritarian, and racially prejudiced policies.

Even in terms of economics, the issues between both sides remained great. Jamaica for instance represented a sizable portion of the Federation’s gdp. Many worried that in a new independent federation, Jamaica may dominate, and exploit smaller islands for their gain. From the Jamaican’s point of view, many politicians and businessmen have expressed concern, that Jamaica may be unfairly taxed at a higher rate and their wealth redistributed to the smaller islands.

Compromise

| As tensions remained at an all-time high among politicians of the federation, most civilians remained apathetic and uncaring about the future of the federation. Nationalism and patriotism towards some Pan-Caribbean ideals remained at least a few decades away, as most writers were in their infancy in toying with the idea of Pan-Caribbean Nationalism. Even Negrítude remained only a small community within academics in the regions of the British West Indies, despite being major contributors to its foundation.

Nonetheless, Prime Minister Robert Bradshaw remained committed to the success of the federation and sat down with Alexander Bustamante to create a comprehensive framework.

The easiest agreement would be racism; and prejudice. Both Bustamante and Bradshaw abhorred racism within the Federation, so in the Constitution of the Federation an anti-racism clause that: “upholds the rights and privileges of all Federal citizens regardless of their race or ethnicity” would be instituted. The High Court of the Federation would be tasked with upholding this clause, and be given powers to strike down unconstitutional laws. While English would remain the National Language of the Federation, and be used in education, government, and civil service, the government would recognize the right of citizens to speak their languages without persecution.

Then the two would hash out an agreement on the status of the government and the economy itself. After back-and-forth negotiations, the two would agree on a system of Divided Federalism, under this system, Education oversight, civil rights, trade regulation, criminal law, and foreign policy would be granted to the Federal government, as well as, the court systems of the federation.

The state or island governments would be granted rights over, property rights, civil law, local and private matters that do not affect the wider federation, municipal laws, and natural resources. Tax rates would also be left exclusively to the state themselves, and states would individually be left to fund their respective healthcare, education, and infrastructure.

The federal government also would collect tax and could use this to incentivize states to operate in ways the Federal government desired, in return for higher funding.

With the Government and Opposition seemingly having agreed, the two would now have to sell the product, mostly to their fellow politicians within the Federation. The Nationalist Party, was a lost cause as they would oppose any non-unitary government. So the two would focus on wrangling their support bases and preventing defections in the lead-up to the 1962 referendum.

1 | APRIL - 28 | MAY,1961
A New Currency,Opening Of A Central Bank,Maritime Infrastructure Development
______________________________________________

APRIL
| Hadif in his wanting to push the nation forward as much as he can,which many would say that,his attitude towards state building could bring a lot of good but even greater faults to the nation.Would decide to begin a plan of introducing a new currency,but first he would commission the construction of a new building in the newly established capital.This building would become the location of the newly established Bank Rizab Persekutuan Brunei,the nation new central bank which will be given the major task of designing the look of a new currency,managing the printing and distribution of the new currency to the public and managing the pulling out of the old currency.

| On the 30th of April,the building for the central bank was completed and a long period of interviewing and hiring staff to manage the central bank was done on the 29th.The newly hired members of the central bank would be given their task and are expected to provide their results by next month.

MAY
| On the 12th of May,the new currency would begin printing.The new currency would be a departure from the old currency,as they switch from the pound form of currency to the dollar form of currency.As they believe using the dollar form of currency will allow them to have more variety in prices,as the dollar uses the cents and cents can go from 1 cent to 100 cent but the pound,uses the pence which goes from as low as 5 pence to 100 pence.The new currency would be named the Bruneian Dollar,and it will have 1 - 100 cents,with 100 cents being equivalent to what dollar and there will be a 1 dollar,5 dollar,10 dollar,20 dollar,50 dollar and 100 dollar bill.

| While the new currency is being put into effect,the capital city will not allow the usage of the old currency after one week but in other,less developed areas where it will be harder to get the new currency towards,to replace the old currency are allowed to use the old currency till 1963.There would also be a an effort to put the new currency out as much as possible in the major city's with people being allowed to exchange the old currency for the new currency.5 Maziyan Pound (the old currency) will be equivalent to 1 Bruneian Dollar.

| On the 28th of May,1961.Hadif Rayyan would commission the construction of a new dock and shipping yard in Bandar Tutong.To try and improve the nation maritime infrastructure to make them more capable of international trade and to have the improved infrastructure for the supply travel that needs to be done between the rest of Brunei and the Temburong state.As the state is disconnected from the rest of Brunei by Sarawak.The new dock would be named the Dok Besar Tutong and the shipping yard the Halaman Penghantaran Besar Tutong.With both being expected to see completion by either late December 1961 or June 1962.

______________________________________________

    May 1961
    Forward India, Pt. 2

      ब्रॉड फॉरवर्ड इंडिया गठबंधन ने सामरिक उम्मीदवार स्थिति समझौते का अनुमोदन किया क्योंकि नेहरू सरकार ग्रीष्मकालीन विधायी प्रयास की तैयारी कर रही है
      
      BROAD FORWARD INDIA COALITION RATIFIES TACTICAL CANDIDATE POSITIONING AGREEMENT AS NEHRU GOVERNMENT PREPARES FOR SUMMER LEGISLATIVE PUSH

    MAY 1961 | मई 1961

| Despite the Convention for Indian Change and Progress having concluded in February, the parties involved in the newly formed, broadly center-left Forward India coalition - the Praja Socialist Party, the Communist Party, the People's Democratic Front, and the Republican Party of India - continued holding weekly discussions and negotiations over one of the most crucial agreements to come out of this pre-election campaign period. In the 1957 general elections and all the cycles prior, the Indian left had allowed for candidates to run against one another in urban stronghold seats that, despite being majority in favor of a non-INC candidate, elected a Congress candidate to the Lok Sabha by plurality, as a virtue of the FPTP system that India employed to elect constituency representatives in the country's national legislature in Delhi. Out of the Forward India coalition in early May of this year came a historic agreement to allow for "tactical candidate positioning" - certain parties would agree to not run candidates in a constituency that another coalition partner had a chance of winning. The agreement aims to reduce vote splitting on the opposition side and strengthen the chances of the coalition to achieve their most realistic goal - pushing the governing Indian National Congress party out of its supermajority status in the legislature. |

| The agreement includes endorsements of fellow coalition partner candidates in local constituency races on both the national and statewide level, with the coalition intending to fall back on strong regional results should their primary aims on the national level fail. The possibility of a singular, unified Indian left-wing umbrella party remains firmly out of the question due to the ideological differences between party members, though more radical coalition partners like the Communist Party have slightly moderated their message to adjust to their new political accommodations. Recent polling are indicative of a plurality of voters approving of the existence of a broad unified opposition coalition, though more than 50% express their worry of the fragile nature of such a coalition - especially if it were to come to power, in a far-fetched possibility. Nonetheless, India's opposition parties have committed to pushing forward with their goal of unifying opposition, left-wing, and anti-INC voters this election. |

| While the PSP, CPI and her coalition partners continue making election preparations, the Indian National Congress party under Prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru have been working with various cabinet ministers and departmental heads to prepare a summer legislative push that is expected to include farm-to-market programs for farmers, food security initiatives, a sustainable urban planning program, and an insertion of additional funding towards advanced national defense programs being supported and sponsored by the Indian Armed Forces. Nehru has taken a lower profile in this pre-election period, focusing on sitting down with the Lok Sabha to discuss legislative measures, and promoting government victories on behalf of the elderly president, the Mahatma Gandhi himself - who was already reportedly receiving "constant" medical care. |

| Current independent polling are indicating that the INC are once again on track to secure a legislative majority, but whether or not they secure a supermajority as they have in the 1957, 1953 and 1950 general elections remains to be known. Current national vote polling show the INC at around 43% and the leading opposition party, the center-left PSP, at around 14% - the gap is obvious, but combined with the support for the other members of the Forward India coalition, the possibility that the INC could for the first time in several cycles sustain seat losses is on the horizon. Nonetheless, however, it is recognized by both sides that a major defeat for the INC is essentially impossible - while Gandhi has effectively withdrawn himself from the political stage for health reasons and old age, his legacy remains fresh and voters continue to support the party that is credited with the Indian independence movement. |


    (CCP) People’s Republic of China / (CCP) 中华人民共和国

    A CHINA INDEPENDENT: CENTRAL COMMITTEE DRAFTS MEMORANDUM FOR AN INDEPENDENT FOREIGN POLICY
    独立的中国:中央委员会起草独立外交政策备忘录

    April 1961 | 1961 年 4 月




      BEIJING, THE CAPITAL PROVINCE | 北京

      Communist Party General Secretary and Chairman Mao Zedong called for an early session of the 10th Plenary Session of the Communist Party Central Committee - currently in its 8th iteration - almost two years in advance. Usually, the Central Committee only met every several months to every year to discuss the state of the nation and the plan for the central government moving forward. Most recently, the 9th Plenary Session was held from the 14th to the 18th of January of 1961, where Chen Yun conducted a report on the economic plan for 1961, and Deng Xiaoping reported on a Moscow meeting of communist parties in the year prior, in 1960. This plenary session, reportedly, is to tackle the question of the Great Leap Forward (previously tackled at the 8th Plenary Session in August of 1951) as well as to discuss foreign policy proposals as proposed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China. The Chairman Mao convened the Plenary Session on 22 May 1961, immediately opening with local political reports and quota discussions from local officials invited from the countryside to brief the Central Committee.

      While the Great Leap Forward was on the agenda for discussion as a priority item, the Chairman Mao made it clear that he intended to discuss a new foreign policy for the People’s Republic, crafted specifically to “empower the People’s Republic, to safeguard the revolution and protect the Chinese workers from the scourages of capitalism and false socialism”. The plan clearly had the Sino-Soviet Split in mind; when the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China, both major communist powers in their own rights, split on foreign policy issues and withdrew years of cooperation on multiple fronts. The Chairman Mao first invited Liu Shaoqi, the Vice Chairman of the Communist Party, to address the Central Committee on the overall effects of the existing foreign policy on China as a whole.

      Zhou Enlai, Premier of the People’s Republic of China and architect of the country’s foreign policy, briefed the Central Committee and the Chairman Mao on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ own proposal for a new, independent foreign policy - entitled “A China Independent” (独立报). The policy established self-sustainability, economic and military independence, social empowerment, and internal focus and protection of interests abroad as key tenets of the plan, and abandoned the policy of “relying on foreign nations, capitalists, and false socialists for the development of the People’s Republic and the services for the People”. Zhou was respected for his role in shaping China’s foreign and internal policy, and was largely viewed as Mao’s apprentice and eventual successor. Presently, however, he served as the Chairman’s right-hand man and as his chief foreign policy advisor. He subscribed to a more peaceful world view, promoting mutual cooperation while protecting China’s foreign interests and partners - despite how little of them they were in number.

      Crucially, the new policy entailed a disconnect from the Soviet Union to reduce unnecessary economic dependence on other nations. The policy emphasized the importance of maintaining a “cordial relationship” with Moscow but also emphasized the need for China to “develop her own means of societal, economic and technological advancement without unnecessary or lazy dependence on other nations”.

      The Central Committee debate began on 24 May, a day after Premier Zhou was invited to brief the Committee on his foreign policy proposal. Many crucial members of the Committee, Lui Shaoqi, General Lin Biao, and Deng Xiaoping had already pledged their support for the plan, but internal discussion and debate between interests were a necessary though somewhat symbolic part of the process. Amendments would be proposed to the proposal, which would then be re-drafted by the Central Committee upon completion. The plan would then be passed back to the Foreign Ministry for clarification and adoption.

      中共中央总书记、国家主席毛泽东提前近两年就要求召开中共中央十届八中全会。通常情况下,中央委员会每隔几个月到一年才召开一次会议,讨论国情和中央政府的前进计划。最近的一次是 1961 年 1 月 14 日至 18 日召开的九届一中全会,会上陈云作了关于 1961 年经济计划的报告,邓小平报告了前一年,即 1960 年莫斯科共产党会议的情况。据报道,这次全会将讨论大跃进问题(此前曾在 1951 年 8 月的八届八中全会上讨论过),并讨论中华人民共和国外交部提出的外交政策建议。1961年5月22日,毛主席召开了全会,会议一开始就听取了从农村请来的地方官员向中央作的地方政治报告并讨论了名额问题。


    🇨🇳 🇨🇳 🇨🇳

Turkiye 1st

      R E P U B L I C‎ ‎ ‎ O F‎ ‎ ‎ T U R K E Y‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ •‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ T Ü R K Y E‎ ‎ ‎ C U M H U R I Y E T I

      1961 General Elections
      June, 1961

      |CHP and DIP enter negotiations! |

    | The Republic of Turkey's first election was finally organized and scheduled for June months after the December coup d'état, which was launched by the [National Unity Committee or MBK], which had collectively disbanded following the March referendum that resulted in the adoption of a new constitution, for a proclaim 'new and better' Republic. Following the approval of the constitution and the announcement of general elections, several prominent members of Turkey's defunct [MBK] and 11th parliament rush to prepare for their campaigns as new competitors enter the political fray as a result of Menderes political oppression being lifted. |

    | As polling's began the largest and oldest party that had constantly fought the Menderes administration and his Democratic Party, İsmet İnönü, chairman of the Republican People's Party, secured an easy advantage and especially heavily populated areas. While the Republican People's Party was leading in the polls, it was not without opposition. The Democratic Labor Party was formed with the assistance of many popular former [MBK] leaders and breakaway legislators, campaigning as the most left-wing party legally running in general elections, presenting new programs and supporting policies that were previously restricted during the Menderes era, and quickly becoming popular with younger generations. Furthermore, with the dissolution of the Democratic Party, the Justice Party was formed as the DP's successors; however, despite polling well with conservatives and fundamentalists, the party suffered a substantial decline in popularity with the rest of the voting populace as a result of their association as the DP's successors. Finally, the Republican Villagers Nation Party, like the Justice Party, suffered in the surveys as a result of their prior partnership with the highly despised Democratic Party, as well as their affiliation with radical ideologies. |

    | Following weeks of vigorous campaigning by the four major political parties. Leftist politics gained prominence, with the CHP and DIP emerging as clear favorites, representing a conflict between social democracy and democratic socialism. While the Justice Party remained the lone true conservative party, publicly embracing the laissez-faire economic model, claiming that a deregulated economy will reverse the stagnation created by the Democratic Party's economic centralization. Meanwhile the Republican Villagers Nation Party has fallen into last place, desperately attempting to regain their prior level of support. Nevertheless, millions of Turks march to the ballots to determine the country's future. |

    • Republican People's Party
      Leader: İsmet İnönü
      40%, 180 Seats

    • Democratic Labor Party
      Leader: Ozdemir Nazli
      30%, 135 Seats

    • Justice Party
      Leader: Ragıp Gümüşpala
      20%, 90 Seats

    • Republican Villagers Nation Party
      Leader: Osman Bölükbaşı
      10%, 45 Seats

    | With the election results in hand and no clear majority obtained by any of the four parties, it was clear that a coalition government was required to form a majority government unless the four leading parties wanted to risk another round of elections and potentially lose votes. Hours after the results were announced, both the Republican People's Party and the Democratic Labor Party announced that negotiations were underway, talks that would likely last days as both parties attempted to find an agreement or risk another round of elections, which could change the power balance dramatically if voters were dissatisfied. |

Al-oman

    June 1961

    Four years since the start of the Modernization of Oman: Progress and new reforms.

It been a four years since Sultan Qaboos bin Said started to modernize his country and things have change since then. In the first year since the start of modernization, 16 schools in Oman and over 5,000 people, young and old and males and females, are attending schools and more than 16 hospital were build where the injured and sick people were being care for. Now three years later, there are now over 50 schools in Oman and over 10,000 people, young and old and males and females, are attending schools and this help increase the literacy rate up to 40%. Three years later more than 30 hospitals have been build and the doctors and nurses there are taking care of the people who are sick and need of help. This help decrease the morality rates in Oman by 10%. Three years ago, there were over 48 miles of roads in the country, now there are over more than 300s miles of roads, covering and connecting to almost half of the country. The economy in the Sultanate has increase a lot thanks to export of oils and the sultan supporting the expansion of private industry. This actions increase Oman income by a lot. Sultan Qaboos continue his yearly tour of the sultanate and meeting people and tribal leaders alike.

Within three years since Sultan Qaboos establish radio stations throughout Oman, more than 20 stations were built and communication within the country is effective and stable. The Sultan of Oman's Armed Forces (SAF) have been modernizing quite well with the army, navy, and air forces receive new military equipment and technologies from US and UK and soon the Armed Forces would be completely modernize and be on par with the rest of the military in the region and the west. This is what happened in four years since the start of the modernization of Oman.

Spainard

    June 24th 1961

           Catholic Conservative Cities and Progressives Clash; Red Scare To The South 

       P L U S - U L T R A

    Madrid Spainard
    THE SPANISH KINGDOM OF SPAIN

    | In Seville, a local speakeasy hangout spot had been torched by a group of individuals which may be led to believe as part of a recent hike in reported incidents against same-sex lounges across the country. Many religious conservatives had spoken out against the new law last month that legalized same-sex unions and their right to parent children.

    An insult to the Catholic Church, as priests have called it, has taken presumptive action to voice their dissatisfaction with the recent codification by asking senior officials in municipal governments not to acknowledge or to pass legislation that would give prominent same-sex couples the same rights as that of regular individuals.

    Prosecutors in Madrid have filed an injunction to the Province of Andalucía asking for the Seville City Council to adhere to the new law. However, the southern province is influenced highly by that of the Catholic Church.

    Protests in Seville were met with violence, as four people have died since. Radical college students who harbor progressive and liberal ideologies continue challenging the conservative majority and church harmony. Using the ETA and other separatist-like ideologies to scare Madrid into conceding to these demands has shown that Prime Minister Alavrez continues to have a weak grip over the country’s policies.

        __

    The Foreign Ministry has released a statement acknowledging the implications of the Civil War to the South in Morroco. With thousands already dead and the country fractured, the Spanish Royal Air Force remains alert and concerned for the Spanish enclaves within the region. Although the Riffian Republic has been admitted into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the first North African country to do so, more attention has been placed on The Melilla Autonomous City.

    Alvarez and his Ministry of Defense have not come out to support either a communist or monarchist stance towards the civil war in Morrocco; however, it’s believed that any “Red Scare” on NATO’s doorstep to the south would be unwarranted.

    The recent events have triggered Catholics and conservatives alike. Weary of the leftist ideological wave that has captured Spanish youth, many within the Conservative Alliance Party call for a “reconciliation” on the party's values.

    Discontentment of the party of the coalition government with the PSOE and the passing of a significant law backed by many within the PSOE many see as a sign of weakness and defeat.

    June 1961
    Hung Possibility

E I N I G K E I T   U N D   R E C H T   U N D   F R E I H E I T

NONE TO FIFTY
BONN, THE FEDERAL CAPITAL, New Provenance - MORNING

| With around two months left until the coming federal elections, the various parties are scrambling to solve a glaring issue that comes with current polling. In April, polling showed the CDU at 43%, the SPD at 40%, the DPD at 9%, the FDP at 4%, and various independents at 4%. Since the German electoral system utilizes the D'Hondt proportional allocation system to allocate seats during federal elections, that would mean that neither party would gain a sufficient majority (as 50% would theoretically be required for such a majority) in the Bundestag. The greatest glaring issue, however, is that of the coalition numbers. A CDU-FDP coalition, theoretically, would only yield 48% of seats, based on April polling. A CDU-DPD coalition would only yield 49%. The SPD is faced with a similar predicament, with an SPD-FDP coalition garnering only 44%, and a broad SPD-DPD coalition garnering 49%. New polling would be released in June that would slightly assuage these concerns, but the worries would still remain. |

    AGGREGATE POLLING AS OF 10 JUNE 1961 - GERMAN FEDERAL ELECTION
    
    Kurt Georg Kiesinger - Christian Democratic Union - 45% (+)
    
    Willy Brandt - Social Democratic Party - 41% (+)
    
    Reinhold Meier - German Democratic Party - 7% (-)
    
    Erich Mende - Free Democratic Party - 5% (+)
    
    Independent candidates - 2% (-)

| Based on current polling, the CDU would likely only barely squeak by with a continuation of its shaky partnership with the FDP, who has been striving to establish its own political brand and identity beyond the junior coalition partner of the Christian Democrats. The SPD, meanwhile, possesses no path to the chancellorship without a broad coalition with the DPD and the FDP, or the DPD and Independents. While the Christian Democrats continue to make gains in aggregate polling, Chancellor Kurt Georg Kiesinger still has much to worry about, especially when it comes to the factor of the center-right German Democrats - better known as the DPD. |

| Now led by the elder statesman Reinhold Meier, the German Democrats have positioned themselves - and benefited from its status as - the alternative to the Christian Democrats for moderates, centrists and conservatives. The party dominates the center of German politics, and has garnered support largely from voters dissatisfied with the current government, or voters who preferred Ludwig Erhard during the CDU leadership election. It is extremely unlikely the party would agree to align themselves in a coalition with the Christian Democrats. While the party has dropped from 9% to 7% in recent polling, it is still likely to command a sizable amount of seats - potentially enough to allow the SPD to take power. While Meier has committed to "center-right policies", he has refused to close the door on a grand coalition with the SPD and the FDP, stating that "if voters want a change of government, we can deliver a change of government". |

| Based on analysis by various pundits, the CDU and SPD are likely to end up "neck-and-neck" by election day in August. The FDP are slowly but surely re-asserting themselves, which could be a good sign for the Christian Democrats, but the question on everyone's mind is whether or not the FDP will actually be willing to align itself with the CDU once more, or if it will give a chance to a change in government and support Willy Brandt for the top job. The FDP, however, has re-asserted its commitment to its new party platform of "independence from the two-party system", which in it of itself has earned the party some of its old support back. |

| The current state of the race is increasingly polarizing, which rules out the possibility of a grand coalition between the CDU and SPD, which has been of some discussion as of late. The Bundestag is thoroughly divided over the Chancellor's science and education package, which the SPD condemns as "too focused on turning students into producers of the state's weapons of war". Willy Brandt, the Governing Mayor of Berlin and the SPD's candidate for chancellor this election, has urged his party members to propose amendments to the legislation or "let it die", stating that "an area of policy as important as science and education deserves a truly workable and sufficient bill to govern its progress for the next decade". |

| While it is likely the polling will continue with upward trends for the Christian Democrats, no analysts are stating that the CDU has a chance at an outright majority like it had four years ago - a far cry from polling just before the 1959 presidential election, when Adenauer still served as Chancellor and the party was widely considered to be on-track to win a legislative majority. |

        RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE
        
        FRENCH BUREAUCRACY 
        
        MINISTÈRE DE L’INTÉRIEUR

      ______

      MINISTRY OF THE INTERIOR: REBELLION IN ALGERIA — ONE HUNDRED HOURS TOO FAR
      VTH REPUBLIC | PARIS, MAY 1961

    | HELM OF LIBERTÉ, MINISTÈRE DE L’INTÉRIEUR - | The Algerian army rebellion, known as "the Hundred Hours," left behind a sharp divide among Frenchmen that erupted into ugly fights and trivial rivalries. In Algeria, soldiers criticized noncoms, who then criticized officers, who then criticized each other. Civil servants accused their rivals in anonymous letters. The labor unions wanted an immediate round of pay increases as compensation, arguing that by rallying behind De Gaulle, they had saved France. Although they were defeated, the three rebel factions that shook France remained hostile.

    The nation was astounded to see just how deeply the officer corps had sown the seeds of insurrection. In Algeria, groups of draftee troops, soon called "the Soviets" who accused their wavering superiors "helped" a commission established up to look into specific officers. The evidence established that hundreds of people who had not overtly rebelled yet firmly supported General Challe's intention to keep Algeria French and had not intervened in any way. De Gaulle finally had to put an end to the operation after seizing 200 officers, but not because he had apprehended all the rebel supporters but rather because he feared for the stability of the army's entire command system. Investigations in France's senior military echelons revealed a similar dangerous situation. Sadly, an official noted that "there were very few officers on the general staff who on the first day of the revolt remained, without ambiguity, loyal to De Gaulle." General Maurice Challe, the leader of the uprising, was safely imprisoned in Paris, where he would stand trial for his life in three weeks. Last week, another rebel general, Andre Zeller, surrendered at the Algiers police headquarters. Two others, though, remained at large.

    Nobody knew exactly what to do with the 15,000-man Foreign Legion and the 40,000 tough regular soldiers in Algeria who had joined with the revolutionaries. The remaining regular troops were confined to their barracks in a foul mood, and three regiments would be disbanded. De Gaulle shut down the Foreign Legion's recruitment office in Paris, signaling what appeared to be the end for the legendary corps that had fought in some of France's bloodiest wars for the last 130 years, from the Crimea to Dienbienphu. In comparison to his predecessor from the past, who oiled his feet, wore no socks, and subsisted on bread, cheese, and a quart of red wine, today's legionnaire is downright gentlemanly. The current legionnaires; mainly German and Hungarian took 10,000 casualties in Indo-China and 1,236 in Algeria, earning them the moniker "the Legion of Death" better than any other unit in history. A guard defiantly said to newsmen last week, "Scram, carrion!" "The Legion won't cry," the adage says.

    The European community in Algeria, which had supported the uprising, was unrepentant and possibly volatile. A new insurrection by bitter-enders was threatened by pamphlets declaring the formation of a new "Secret Army Organization" (O.A.S.). About half of the 20,000 weapons that the army rebels distributed to civilians during the four-day uprising, including heavy machine guns and bazookas, were still hidden away in some location. Police dragnets searched 10,000 apartments a night in Algiers, but when they arrived, hundreds of ultras were gone from their residences. A 9 p.m. curfew prevented the last white settlers from leaving their homes, so they congregated on balconies and roofs, flung rocks and vegetables at police search parties, and pounded pots and pans to the beat of "Al-gé-rie Fran-çaise."

    As Frenchmen gradually realized how severely the Hundred Hours had wounded their nation, they could also see how much they owed Charles de Gaulle for his steel resolve (even the advisory Council of State refused to give the government its support during a crisis, 57 to 47). But De Gaulle had remained steadfast. In the past week, he grimly pushed for the restart of negotiations with the Muslim Front de Libération Nationale (F.L.N. ), seeking to secure Algerian peace before the dispersed ultras could regroup. It was clear that even Charles de Gaulle's chances of surviving for an additional 100 hour revolutionary fiasco were slim. |

      ______

        VIVE LA RÉPUBLIQUE!
        
        VIVE LA FRANCE!
        
        VIVE L’EMPIRE!

A Timeline (Rewrite) of Malian Independence

•October 1946: The 1946 Constitutional Referendum passes. In effect this constitutional restricts voting rights for African subjects, and reduces number of National Assembly seats allocated to the colonial territories in West Africa. Symbolically this ends the idea of a Franco-African Union envisioned by people like Léopold Senghor. Instead an idea of post-colonial African Federalism begins to develop, the framework for the Mali Federation begins here.

•March 1958: The African Regroupment Party - Senegal, Togo, and Upper Volta sweep local elections. Sekou Touré signs an appeal desiring to join the new party.

•Summer 1958: Before the announcement of the granting of autonomy to French West African states, Charles De Gaulle visits the colonies. There he meets with Ahmed Sekou Touré and numerous other African leaders. Instead of deliberately lying to Touré, De Gaulle informs him of the plans to allow for African Federalism, and the potential for free nations, within the overall French Community. Guinea, and the rest of French West Africa vote “yes” on the constitutional referendum.

•November 1958: In the African Democratic Rally Congress, Modibo Keïta and Ahmed Sekou Touré choose to split from the RDA after Felix Houphouët-Boigny rejects joining the proposed African Federation.

•December 28th 1958: Guinea, Sudan, Dahomey, Senegal, and Upper Volta attend the Malian Unification Conference in Bamako.

•December 29th 1958: Dahomey leaves the conference in exchange for French promises to construct a railway and port. Upper Volta is threatened by expulsion of migrant workers, by France and Côte d’Ivoire. Nonetheless due to the size of the new Federation, Upper Volta is convinced to say.

•March 20th 1959: Following elections that cemented the ruling pro-federation parties, the process of integration begins. Despite De Gaulle’s resistance, promises of joining the French community, maintaining French currency, and allowing military bases manage to convince De Gaulle down from his opposition.

•December 28th 1959: France officially supports the new federation’s creation and independence.

•January 1st 1960: Mali is granted independence. Leopold Sédar Senghor is elected as Prime Minister, Modibo Keïta as President, Ahmed Sekou Touré as Deputy Minster, and Maurice Yaméogo as Vice President.

June 16, 1961
NewAuroria — EARLY EVENING
v
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Headline: Health Canada Unveils Ambitious Healthcare Improvement Plan to Foster National Well-being

By-line: June 1961, Ottawa

Introduction:
In a landmark development for Canadian healthcare, the newly founded Department of Health, Health Canada (HC), under the leadership of Minister of Health Dr. Evelyn Vitalis, has unveiled an ambitious plan aimed at enhancing the nation's well-being. The comprehensive healthcare improvement initiative is set to revolutionize the healthcare landscape, ensuring access to quality medical services for all Canadians. With a vision of promoting health and vitality across the country, Health Canada's strategic plan marks a pivotal moment in Canadian healthcare history.

In-depth Report:
In an inspiring address to the nation, Dr. Evelyn Vitalis, the esteemed Minister of Health, articulated the core objectives of Health Canada's transformative healthcare improvement plan. Rooted in her unwavering dedication to public health and well-being, Dr. Vitalis emphasized the central theme of fostering a healthier and more resilient nation.

"With the launch of Health Canada, we embark on a journey to build a healthier and more vibrant Canada. Our aim is to ensure that every Canadian, regardless of their background or circumstance, has access to the healthcare services they need to lead a fulfilling and healthy life," stated Minister Vitalis.

The core pillars of Health Canada's strategic plan encompass a range of initiatives designed to enhance healthcare accessibility, quality, and efficiency. Central to the plan is the establishment of a universal healthcare system, providing comprehensive medical services to all Canadians. Driven by a vision of equitable healthcare, Health Canada aims to eliminate barriers and disparities in access to medical care.

The plan also emphasizes preventive healthcare measures to address health issues at their root and reduce the burden on the healthcare system. Investing in public health education, promoting healthy lifestyles, and disease prevention are key components of Health Canada's forward-looking approach.

Furthermore, Health Canada is committed to elevating medical research and innovation. By fostering collaboration between healthcare providers, researchers, and institutions, the department seeks to enhance medical knowledge and bring cutting-edge treatments to patients.

Minister Vitalis underlined the importance of mental health support in the plan, recognizing the profound impact of mental well-being on overall health. Health Canada will prioritize the expansion of mental health services and advocate for a compassionate and inclusive approach to mental health care.

As part of the plan's implementation, Health Canada will collaborate with provincial and territorial governments, healthcare providers, and stakeholders. Together, they will work towards the collective goal of transforming Canada's healthcare landscape.

"Health Canada's success depends on a united effort from all levels of government, healthcare professionals, and communities. Together, we will build a healthcare system that is the envy of the world—a system that reflects our commitment to the well-being of every Canadian," asserted Minister Vitalis.

The launch of Health Canada's healthcare improvement plan marks a defining moment in Canadian history. Dr. Evelyn Vitalis's visionary leadership is set to shape a healthier and more vibrant nation, driven by the principles of accessibility, quality, and compassion. As Canada embarks on this transformative journey, the nation looks forward to a future defined by improved health outcomes and the well-being of all its citizens.

Conclusion:
Led by Minister of Health Dr. Evelyn Vitalis, Health Canada has unveiled an ambitious healthcare improvement plan that promises to revolutionize Canada's healthcare landscape. Rooted in the principles of accessibility, quality, and preventive care, the plan aims to ensure that all Canadians have access to comprehensive medical services. By fostering collaboration and innovation, Health Canada envisions a healthier and more resilient nation—one where the well-being of its people takes center stage. As Canada sets forth on this transformative journey, the nation embraces the promise of a brighter and healthier future for all its citizens.

|

    May, 1961
    Formations of a Nation

    THE LEFT AND THE RIGHT - BALEWA FACES A POLITICAL CRISIS

    | Prime Minister Balewa faces a crisis even bigger than that of just a few months ago. While the double resignation in late March did stunt the government's growing popularity among Western MP's, as the government preps for a deep session in the Nigerian House of Commons for the May Budget, Spending, Taxation and Regular session, a bi-annually, 1-week parliamentary session focusing mostly on economic issues facing the country. However, while some of his worries are about parliamentary support concerning his incoming budget, he faces his biggest yet - Chiemeka Ijeawele and the darling of Nigeria's conservative and Northern-focused right, Nnamdi Azikiwe. To the NRF's de-facto leader, Ijeawele, he creates a direct problem to the disconnected and disorganised Northern Regional Militia, but the growth of the ideology, as-well as the militia, creates the political and militant problem for the unpopular Prime Minister. If left untreated, regional parties could spring up from the grounds of Secular Socialism, the rejection of Regional Nationalism, Religion and capitalism. Spurred on by disillusioned members of the WPC, dominated, by a more moderate breed of African Socialism, as-well as SRP, a minor party currently popular among the impoverished populace of the South and Delta. While not directly from the young and growing big beast of the Nigerian Left, the movement of Unitary Socialism poses a very direct political threat to the centrist premiership of Balewa. However, he faces a more imminent problem of Nnamdi Azikiwe. |

    | The growing political force of the National Federative Union (NRU), a conservative faction within the NPC, with a pro-west foreign policy and protectionist economic policy, led by Minister of the Interior, Nnamdi Azikiwe, is a threat which is posed at a local level of councils and various regional economic or social policy commissions, as-well as a parliamentary level, especially if he fails to pass his national budget next month, which would likely see opposition parties force a no-confidence vote, and so early into his premiership, would need the support of the NFU if he wishes to remain until the next election, posed for 1964. However, much of that support for the prospect of a no-confidence vote comes from the incoming budget, in which the NRU would offer rent control, promises on social housing, protectionist policies on price controls and trade barriers, and the PM will be forced into making various concessions and policy shifts if it to pass the House of Commons. This political threat from the right is much more direct and imminent than the NRF, and will look to knock at least some of the infulence the NFU and Azikiwe in one swift blow if he can balance out his budget. However, with the threat of the NFU growing larger and larger, with more and more MP's joining the faction, could see the end of not just himself as Prime Minister but the collapse of the so-far stable coalition of the NPC-NCNC and could lead to the rise of a more extreme, more radical force in Nigerian Politics. |

    | However, despite the growth of the political extremes, at least to the view of Balewa loyalists, his vision for Nigeria still remains at the forefront of his mind, with his policy and media advisors set to take care of the more psychodrama-esc political games against the NFU, as-well as plans for a crackdown on the growing force of African Socialism, slowly creeping into the mainstream cycle of Nigerian politics. If he manages to defeat the NFU in their plan to oust him, a likely goal if he doesn't give into their more protectionist and pro-west ideals, Balewa would likely have an easy ride into 1964, with the only real worry being the continued premiership of Okpara to Western Nigeria, having embraced a more Europa-style socialism to the African centrism of Balewa. While unpopular among many MP's, including prominent MP's in his own party of the NPC, his vision for Nigeria is a clear one - radical centrism. Uprooted in opposition to African Socialism as-well as pro-west conservatism and protectionism to both wings, he championed the combination of moderate protectionism with humanised capitalism, combining much more moderate and watered down policies of the two traditional wings, and managing to win in a landslide victory just last year. However, the PM's aim to be pragmatic with his ideology, shifting to the left or the right if need be, as those to his Left and Right becomes increasingly frustrated and restless of his centrist model of governance. The very thing he built his political career on may be the very thing to tear him down against the wings of socialism and conservatism. Only time will tell. |

    June 1961
    The Future is Osias

A N G    R E P U B L I K A

PRESIDENTIAL SUCCESSOR
MANILA, PROVINCE OF MANILA, Provenancia - MORNING

| Eleven months remain until the next presidential election. In 1954 and 1958, the charismatic frontman of the center-right Nacionalista Party, Ramon Magsaysay, had dominated in the polls, consistently securing an overwhelming majority and a firm mandate for his government and his party. Since his ascendance to power, President Magsaysay has received numerous notable awards, and is regarded by the general public as one of the most accomplished heads of state in Philippine history, if not the most accomplished. His personal approval and job performance ratings hover between 70-80% above ground, while his critics speak softly at best thanks to the respect commanded by his government and its policies. Economists point to the Magsaysay period from 1954 to 1962 as the "Golden Age" of the Philippines, with the country ascending to becoming the second-fastest growing economy in Asia, second only to the Japanese. "Mambo Magsaysay", however, is ineligible for a third term in office, according to the 1935 Constitution that remains in effect. Thus, this means that on the 30th of June, 1962, Magsaysay will step down as President to allow for his successor to take the reins of a strong economy, confident consumers, and flourishing business and society. |

| The question on the minds of many, then, is who Magsaysay would appoint as his successor. Many eyes turned towards Camilo Osias, the Senate President turned Vice Presidential candidate as the running mate of Magsaysay. He was a fairly quiet vice president, choosing to take his role as second-in-command in a quiet, perhaps even introverted manner. Others also looked at Jose B. Laurel, Jr., the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and to Daniel Z. Romualdez, the House Speaker Pro Tempore. Many, however, considered Osias as the most likely successor. |

| On the public stage, it was clear that Osias was being prepared by Magsaysay to run as his successor. While his less outspoken vice president wasn't as charismatic as his commander-in-chief, he held his own positive set of traits, especially in lawmaking and bipartisan dealmaking. Magsaysay attributed several priority legislation, mostly on urban planning and business, to his leading of negotiations with opposition lawmakers (while the Nacionalista Party held firm majorities in both chambers, Magsaysay was a fan of broadly supported legislation). Osias was dispatched on more public roles, receiving foreign dignitaries and touring the country on the President's behalf. Officially, this was because Magsaysay was focusing on his family. Unofficially, backdoor channels indicated that Osias was being put into the spotlight ahead of the filing of candidacy forms in October of this year with the Commission on Elections (COMELEC). |

| Early primary polling shows that 56% of Nacionalista Party members were supportive of Osias becoming the party's 1962 presidential candidate. Osias, if nominated, is likely to face Elpidio Quirino, former Liberal senator and Liberal presidential candidate in the 1954 elections, or Emmanuel Pelaez, a top Liberal senator. The race is likely to be a two-party race, as the Philippine Liberal Democrats under the young Angela Reyes and the Philippine Progressive Party are unlikely to put up their own presidential candidates. The Liberal Democrats have already indicated their intention to support Quirino for the presidency, while the PPP's Manuel Manahan was a close ally and partner of Vice President Osias.[i][/i] |

    EARLY PRESIDENTIAL POLLING - FOR THE 1962 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION - JUNE 1961
    
    Camilo Osias - Nacionalista Party - 46%
    Elpidio Quirino - Liberal Party - 42%
    Manuel Manahan - Philippine Progressive - 7%
    Unsure - 5%
    
    Camilo Osias - Nacionalista Party - 49%
    Emmanuel Pelaez - Liberal Party - 37%
    Manuel Manahan - 10%
    Unsure - 4%

A updated timeline of the formation of Saudi Arabia

•1744: Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, founder of "Wahhabism," an austere form of Islam, arrives in the central Arabian state of Najd in 1744 preaching a return to "pure" Islam. He seeks protection from the local emir, Muhammad ibn Saud, head of the Al Saud tribal family, and they cut a deal. The Al Saud will endorse al-Wahhab's austere form of Islam and in return, the Al Saud will get political legitimacy and regular tithes from al-Wahhab's followers. The religious-political alliance that al-Wahhab and Saud forge endures to this day in Saudi Arabia. By the 19th century, the Al Saud has spread its influence across the Arabian Peninsula, stretching from the Red Sea to the Persian Gulf and including the Two Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina. But in 1818, forces of the Ottoman Empire sack the capital, Riyadh, and execute many of the religious and political leaders. Over the next eighty years the Al Saud attempt to reestablish their rule on the Arabian Peninsula without success.

•1902: In 1902, a direct descendent of Muhammad ibn Saud, twenty-year-old Abdulaziz ibn Saud, rides out of the desert with 60 of his brothers and cousins to restore the rule of Al Saud. He captures Riyadh, the ancient capital of the Saudi state, but to conquer all of the Arabian Peninsula, he seeks the help of nomadic Bedouins, the Ikhwan, or Muslim brothers. Renowned warriors, the Ikhwan are also fervent Wahhabi Islamic puritans who want to spread their form of Islam throughout the Middle East.

•1924-25: With the Ikhwan by his side, Abdulaziz captures province after province of the Arabian Peninsula. He captures Mecca in 1924 and Medina in 1925, becoming the ruler of the Two Holy Cities of Islam. But the Ikhwan want to spread Wahhabism beyond Arabia and when Abdulaziz tries to restrain them, they rebel. To survive, Abdulaziz realizes he has to destroy the Ikhwan. To do this, Abd al-Aziz seeks the approval of the ulama, the religious authorities, regarded as the moral guardians of the realm. With the ulama's endorsement, he crushes the Ikhwan.

•1932: Abdulaziz ibn Saud declares himself king and gives his name to the country: Saudi Arabia. To keep his new kingdom united, he marries a daughter from every tribe as well as from the influential clerical families -- more than twenty wives, although never more than four at one time, in accordance with the Quran. These unions produce 45 legitimate sons and an unknown number of daughters (daughters are not counted). Abd al-Aziz then begins consolidating power away from the brothers and cousins who helped him conquer the peninsula in favor of his own sons. Every Saudi king since has been a son of Abdulaziz ibn Saud.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nIx43lGdCKI

    September 1st, 1962

𝓢𝓐𝓛𝓐𝓩𝓐𝓡: 𝒯𝐻𝐸 𝒪𝐿𝒟 𝑀𝒜𝒩 𝒪𝐹 𝐸𝒰𝑅𝒪𝒫𝐸
     |  , PORTUGAL

The enigmatic António de Oliveira Salazar, born in the spring of April 28th, 1889, this boy of a peasant background from Vimieiro would've never been suspected of one day becoming the ruler of the Portuguese nation. By the current standards of today, Salazar would have been regarded as a rather conventional man. Austere and reserved, he avoided close relationships and pleasures that got in the way of the work to which he was dedicated. However, his rise to power was unconventional and his retention of it is remarkable to say the least. He is a man whose outlook on life is shaped by the rural milieu into which he was born, as well as by his particular family circumstances. Salazar's father, António de Oliveira, was a small landowner, getting his start as a field laborer, eventually elevating to the position of manager for the Perestrelos family. The family being wealthy landlords in the region of Santa Comba Dão who possessed lands and other assets scattered between Viseu and Coimbra. Meanwhile, Salazar's mother, Maria do Resgate Salazar, would maintain the home with his four sisters, all of which Salazar was noted for having a close relationship, despite Salazar being the only boy in the household. Salazar would eventually attend primary school in his town, only to relocate to a much better school in Viseu thanks to his father's service to the Perestrelos. At the age of 11, Salazar won a free place at Viseu's catholic seminary, which his mother greatly encouraged. He would study there for eight years, eventually considering becoming a priest, but he ultimately decided not to commit to the priesthood. Salazar would make his way to the University of Coimbra in 1910 to study law, although he would later take up finance and economics, earning his doctorate after taking up many positions during his educational career. He rose in the stratified world of pre-1920 Portugal on account of his intellectual gifts, becoming a professor of economics at Coimbra when he was not yet thirty.

Those exposed to Salazar personally noted that the explanation to his success, first in academia and later in politics, is his willpower. Seen by allies and even his adversaries. He first showed it in overcoming career obstacles, and then in presenting himself as a would-be savior at a low point in Portugal's fortunes. Someone capable of rescuing the country from financial disaster and chronic political instability in the early years of the new republic. Those whom he had convinced were the military officers who had seized power in 1926. Their coup marked the end of over a century of a broadly liberal ascendancy in Portugal. The lieutenants of 1926 saw themselves as the guardians of the nation. However, they had no clue how to address the critical challenge of the hour, how to overcome Portugal's severe indebtedness and avoid the country losing its financial independence by taking out a foreign loan. One likely to involve international supervision of the country's finances and perhaps even the confiscation of its colonies. Salazar provided enough answers to be catapulted into the government in 1928. In four years, he showed himself to be an even more accomplished political wizard than an economic one. He civilianized an authoritarian regime when the politics of more and more countries were becoming militarized. By 1932, he had reached the political zenith. He was prime minister at forty-three and on the verge of creating a new state that would tear Portugal away from its failing liberal experiment.

The turbulence of the 1930s revealed a second trait which would explain his political endurance. That trait being his deep-seated caution of the world around him. He refused to follow the examples of Heidler and Mussolini by establishing a totalitarian party-state. His dictatorship was one without a powerful mass party or an intrusive state, busy indoctrinating the masses with wide scale propaganda. Salazar's aim was the depoliticization of society, not the mobilization of the populace for imperialist fever dreams of Heidler and Mussolini. If the Estado Novo wasn't a pure fascist manifestation, then Salazar faced many persistent accusations that he was presiding over a clerical fascist variant. But contrary to the accusations, Salazar, a former candidate for the priesthood, kept the Catholic Church at arms length. So much so that he did not return the church various properties seized by the previous liberal government, such that it became somewhat of an embarrassment for the Vatican. Given the strength of secular republican feeling in Portugal cities, he judged it prudent not to restore to the church many of the rights it had lost. Salazar was a monarchist, no doubt, but he never contemplated restoring the monarchy. Instead, his formula was to create a ruling alliance of conservatives, some moderate liberals, and a few nationalist ideologues, kept in line by his political agility, and guaranteed ultimately by the armed forces.

The Communists, which came to dominate the opposition after 1945, would prove to be his biggest threat. A vigilant secret police and a rigid system of press censorship were meant to curb its influence. But unlike the Fascists, National Socialists, or even other autocratic regimes, Salazar was careful not to create an army of martyrs through indiscriminate state violence. Rather, the communists would be infiltrated by members of national intelligence organization (PVDE), arrested, or exiled from the country, eventually pushing the Communists underground. However, Salazar faced many attempts on his rule by liberals, political rivals, and even discontent members of the military. His biggest threat being General Humberto Delgado. A man who had been working in the American embassy in Washington and was exposed to American democratic ideas and values. Causing him to push his ideology in a liberal democratic direction, and inspired him to run as a democratic opposition candidate for the Portuguese presidency in 1958. Supported by monarchists and even fascists who were repressed by Salazar, although many within the PVDE allege that Delgado's political ambitions lied more with his bruised ego, having lost to be appointed director of the NATO Defense College. It was also suspected that Delgado was in bed with the American CIA, who wanted regime change in Portugal. So much so that even Communists, who hated Salazar, came to label Delgado as “General Coca-cola”, in an allusion to the General's pro-Americanism. Delgado campaigned vigorously, even though he seemingly faced impossible odds. Although opposition candidates had nominally been allowed to run since the 1940s, the electoral system was so heavily rigged in favor of Salazar's National Union that its candidates could not possibly be defeated. Which would happen when Delgado eventually lost to his campaign rival Américo Tomás. After the election, Delgado would be dismissed from the military, causing him to panic and take refuge in the Brazilian embassy. Eventually given permission to enter self-imposed exile in Brazil by Salazar.

Besides his great ability at national politics, Salazar proved his salt in the geopolitical field. Keeping Portugal out of the 2nd World War despite the Allies and Axis constant hounding for his participation in the war. He used subtlety and astuteness in keeping the warring European powers from trampling on Portugal's neutrality. Even showing fortitude and grit in preventing America's disdain for small countries that stood in its way, leading to collisions with Washington. The nerve-racking task of shielding Portugal from repeating the mistake of the 1st World War with the second one took its toll on Salazar's health. Yet he managed to impress foreign visitors then, and for many years afterward, with his mental acuteness, which included a formidable memory for facts, numbers, and people. Portugal would be inducted into NATO as a founder member, joined the European Free Trade Association. His politeness and capacity to charm and persuade softened the image of his regime. After 1945 he was ever more convinced that in a dangerous world he was indispensable for shielding the country from harm. The view even took hold among some committed democrats who got to know Salazar, that he was a dictator with a difference or that Portugal was a dictatorship without a dictator. Self-effacing, dedicated to his duties, shunning uniforms or bombastic displays, it was a benevolent autocrat who seemed to be in charge of Portugal. This was certainly the view that a busy public relations machine promoted. Salazar did not neglect propaganda, and the way the regime was marketed endowed it with a form of soft power.

However, the kinks in the armor were creeping up on the Estado Novo. Salazar had persisted with the unwieldy corporative state, which had seemed innovative in the 1930s but was growing into a patronage ridden bureaucracy. Reluctant to delegate, he also neglected to keep a close enough watch on the military, the ultimate guarantor of his regime. Portugal was fast becoming an anomaly in a world of western democracies and communist nations. Portugal was especially feeling this attitude by the start of the 1960s, owing to the regimes' refusal to renounce its overseas provinces in Angola, Mozambique, Portuguese Guinea, Timor, and Macao. Very large in comparison with Portugal's small European dimensions. Perhaps unavoidably, this led to partial ostracism during the era of decolonisation as the European powers were letting go of their colonial possesions. The British left Africa and Asia without much resistance, the French somewhat similar with exception of Algeria, as war rages between the French goverment and the Algerian bandits supported by Nasser and the USSR no doubt. Concering Portugal, a duel with the United States under President Kennedy occured in the early 1960s which Salazar saw in very personal terms: 'Either the Americans succeed in killing me or else I die, or else they will face years of struggle in order to put me down.' This anti-colonialism Salazar saw as a gimmick which could eventually give way to new forms of domination as the Arabs and Communists were already attempting to spread their Godless ideology of Marxism to Africa. His fears being comfirmed as 1961 saw the opening of black nationalist uprisings in the overseas provinces. However, unlike the rest of Europe, Portugal will not ceede its dominion. The Indians already having made a mockery of Portugal in 1961 when they invaded Goa. Portugal would not stand to suffer another disgrace and has thus began it's warpath against the terrorists and those who covet what is without a doubt Portugese. Guinea e nossa! Angola e nossa! Mozambique e nossa! Timor e nossa! Macao e nossa! P O R T U G A L—N Ã O—É—P E Q U E N O—P A Í S!!!

      K I N G D O M  O F  G R E E C E   •    Β Α Σ Ί Λ Ε Ι Ο  Τ Η Σ  Ε Λ Λ Ά Δ Α Σ

        ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΌΣ ΤΟΥΡΙΣΜΌΣ - HELLENIC TOURISM

      GREEK TOURISM AT AN ALL TIME HIGH : HISTORICAL SITES PRESERVED

        JUNE, 1961

    | Greece had for a long time been one of the prime tourist destinations in the Mediterranean Sea, and now the government sets its sights on continuing to improve Greece's tourism, particularly Greece's beaches and ancient historical sites. From the white houses of Santorini to the beaches of Crete, to the ancient Acropolis in Athens, and the White Tower of Thessaloniki, Greece's tourism industry had seen an all-time high, as Greece's fastest-growing sector. The Ministry of Tourism based in Athens had received large amounts of funding from the Greek government, with most coming from the Dominion of Canada's ( NewAuroria ) $500,000,000 investment into Greek civilian sectors in 1960. Several organizations had been formed to promote tourism to Greece, after all, Greece was one of the first countries to receive vast amounts of these types of travelers, the tourists. Organizations such as the GNTO, the Greek National Tourism Organization, along with independent tourism campaigns such as those launched by the Greek Line had been launched, and these campaigns, starting in the late 1950s, had worked. |

    | In 1960 alone, 400,000 foreign visitors had visited the nation, a big jump from 1955's 200,000 visitors. This was partially due to several factors, the first being efforts by the late Prime Minister Papagos to improve civilian infrastructure, which created dozens of new modernized housing, including privately-owned accommodations, bought by private owners from the Greek Government. Along with this, dozens of hotels have been built up near historical sites, launched in 1951 in a program called "Xenia". These modern hotels took full advantage of the surrounding landscape, beautifully blending in with its natural surroundings. Second, Greece's historical sites such as the Acropolis in Athens, the Temple of Zeus in Olympia, the Temple of Poseidon at Cape Sounion, the Temple of Aphaia in Aegea, and many more have been preserved, with most sites now being opened to visitors. Lastly, tourism campaigns launched by sub-private companies such as the Greek Line had been launched, championing travel to Greece on Greece's ocean liners, such as the TSS Hellas and the TSS Byzantine, the flagships of the Greek civilian fleet. Slogans such as "Going to Greece is like coming home" had proved to be a big hit amongst visitors, which further increased the appeal to visit Greece. |

    | Greek tourism was now at an all-time high, and to keep up with this growing number of visitors, several new projects have been launched by both the government and private owners. Chief among these projects was Greece's national airline - Olympic Airways. Olympic is owned by Greek shipping magnate Aristotle Onassis, and its planes connected Greece to the rest of Europe, which also brought around the modernization of airports such as the Ellinikon International Airport in Athens, Heraklion International Airport, Thessaloniki Airport "Makedonia", and the Rhodes-Maritsa Airport on the island of Rhodes have substantially been enlarged to further accommodate the growing number of visitors. Several deals have also been made to further increase and modernize Greece's rail transport, also essential to tourism. The recently reformed Hellenic State Railways had purchased twenty (20) DB Class V 200 Diesel Express Locomotives from Germany ( New Provenance ) and fifteen (15) JNR Class EF58 DC Electric Locomotives from Japan ( Nippon-Nihon ), with modernizations for Greece's railways also underway. It is safe to say that this sudden boom in Greek tourism had without a doubt continued and further bolstered the Greek economic miracle, and is integral for this new golden age for modern Greece. |

    July 1961

    Sultan Qaboos’s first state visits to the United Kingdom and the United States.

The modernization of Oman is going well and smoothly thanks to not only to the will and determination of the sultan and his people, but also from getting help from the United Kingdom and United States and their unconditional support in modernizing this ancient and great Arab nation in the gulf. Because of this, Sultan Qaboos bin Said announces in the middle of July that he will be taking his first state visit to Great Britain and the United States for diplomatic purpose and to strengthen ties with them. Qaboos hope that doing his trip to UK and US that he will secure their continue support in helping to modernize his country but also request one of them to help Oman to become a member of the United Nations (UN). His Majesty will be first visiting Great Britain and then will visit the United States and will leave for this state visits in the beginning of August.

May this trip bring good news and tiding to both Sultan Qaboos and Oman.

Bayern kahla

July 1961 — STABBING BY 11 YEAR OLD BOY LEAVES BENELUX WITH A NEW JUVENILE JUSTICE SYSTEM AMID CRITICISM

On 17th January 1959, an 8 year old boy was found dead in the park. The suspect was identified as his brother, 11 years old. The case had huge emotional and political impact. There were voices for keeping juveniles in the adult penal system. Yet, this opinion did not prevail.

In an ambition plan towards protecting the rights and well-being of children, the Kaamer voted in favor of the groundbreaking "Law on Juvenile Justice."

The new legislation, which comes into effect from 1st January 1962, marks a significant shift in the treatment of children within the legal system.

The movement towards recognizing the unique vulnerabilities and developmental needs of children began in 1950, spearheaded by collaborations between esteemed medical and legal professionals. Extensive research and advocacy efforts have led to a collective acknowledgment that children below a certain age should not face adult trial processes, considering their evolving cognitive capacities and emotional maturity.

Under the provisions of the "Law on Juvenile Justice," children below the age of 13 will no longer be subject to adult trials, providing them with the chance to rehabilitate and reintegrate within society under more suitable conditions. Instead, a specialized juvenile judicial procedure has been instituted for felonies committed by juveniles, ensuring a tailored approach to justice that accounts for the unique circumstances of young offenders.

To facilitate the implementation of this progressive legislation, the Benelux will establish a Juvenile Detention Center. This facility will offer a supportive environment that prioritizes education, counseling, and social reintegration, providing young individuals with the opportunity to reform and build brighter futures.

Furthermore, in line with the nation's commitment to upholding the rights of children, a distinguished "Court of Children's Affairs"has been created. This court will be staffed with specially trained judges experienced in child psychology and juvenile law. Their primary focus will be to ensure the fair and compassionate administration of justice, promoting the welfare of the young individuals involved in legal proceedings.

Prime Minister Van der Meer, while hailing the law as a milestone in the nation's legal history, emphasized the government's dedication to nurturing a just and inclusive society.

The "Law on Juvenile Justice" stands as a testament to the Benelux's ongoing efforts to safeguard the welfare of its young populace and provide an equitable legal system that adheres to the principles of compassion and progress. The enactment of this transformative law reaffirms the nation's commitment to shaping a brighter and more resilient future for all its citizens.

Bayern kahla

Adriatican Islands wrote:
      K I N G D O M  O F  G R E E C E   •    Β Α Σ Ί Λ Ε Ι Ο  Τ Η Σ  Ε Λ Λ Ά Δ Α Σ

        ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΌΣ ΤΟΥΡΙΣΜΌΣ - HELLENIC TOURISM

      GREEK TOURISM AT AN ALL TIME HIGH : HISTORICAL SITES PRESERVED

        JUNE, 1961

    | Greece had for a long time been one of the prime tourist destinations in the Mediterranean Sea, and now the government sets its sights on continuing to improve Greece's tourism, particularly Greece's beaches and ancient historical sites. From the white houses of Santorini to the beaches of Crete, to the ancient Acropolis in Athens, and the White Tower of Thessaloniki, Greece's tourism industry had seen an all-time high, as Greece's fastest-growing sector. The Ministry of Tourism based in Athens had received large amounts of funding from the Greek government, with most coming from the Dominion of Canada's ( NewAuroria ) $500,000,000 investment into Greek civilian sectors in 1960. Several organizations had been formed to promote tourism to Greece, after all, Greece was one of the first countries to receive vast amounts of these types of travelers, the tourists. Organizations such as the GNTO, the Greek National Tourism Organization, along with independent tourism campaigns such as those launched by the Greek Line had been launched, and these campaigns, starting in the late 1950s, had worked. |

    | In 1960 alone, 400,000 foreign visitors had visited the nation, a big jump from 1955's 200,000 visitors. This was partially due to several factors, the first being efforts by the late Prime Minister Papagos to improve civilian infrastructure, which created dozens of new modernized housing, including privately-owned accommodations, bought by private owners from the Greek Government. Along with this, dozens of hotels have been built up near historical sites, launched in 1951 in a program called "Xenia". These modern hotels took full advantage of the surrounding landscape, beautifully blending in with its natural surroundings. Second, Greece's historical sites such as the Acropolis in Athens, the Temple of Zeus in Olympia, the Temple of Poseidon at Cape Sounion, the Temple of Aphaia in Aegea, and many more have been preserved, with most sites now being opened to visitors. Lastly, tourism campaigns launched by sub-private companies such as the Greek Line had been launched, championing travel to Greece on Greece's ocean liners, such as the TSS Hellas and the TSS Byzantine, the flagships of the Greek civilian fleet. Slogans such as "Going to Greece is like coming home" had proved to be a big hit amongst visitors, which further increased the appeal to visit Greece. |

    | Greek tourism was now at an all-time high, and to keep up with this growing number of visitors, several new projects have been launched by both the government and private owners. Chief among these projects was Greece's national airline - Olympic Airways. Olympic is owned by Greek shipping magnate Aristotle Onassis, and its planes connected Greece to the rest of Europe, which also brought around the modernization of airports such as the Ellinikon International Airport in Athens, Heraklion International Airport, Thessaloniki Airport "Makedonia", and the Rhodes-Maritsa Airport on the island of Rhodes have substantially been enlarged to further accommodate the growing number of visitors. Several deals have also been made to further increase and modernize Greece's rail transport, also essential to tourism. The recently reformed Hellenic State Railways had purchased twenty (20) DB Class V 200 Diesel Express Locomotives from Germany ( New Provenance ) and fifteen (15) JNR Class EF58 DC Electric Locomotives from Japan ( Nippon-Nihon ), with modernizations for Greece's railways also underway. It is safe to say that this sudden boom in Greek tourism had without a doubt continued and further bolstered the Greek economic miracle, and is integral for this new golden age for modern Greece. |

      K I N G D O M  O F  B E N E L U X - United Kingdoms of Netherlands, Belgium and Luxembourg

BENELUX COMPANIES AND GOVERNMENT LOOK TO GREECE FOR MUTUAL BENEFITS IN TOURISM INDUSTRY

With Greek tourism on a remarkable upswing, the Benelux hotel industry is setting its sights on investing in this burgeoning market. Embracing the opportunity to cater to the increasing number of travelers flocking to Greece's stunning destinations, prominent hotel chains and tourism agencies have expressed keen interest in expanding their operations.

Famed hotel establishments in the Netherlands and Belgium, such as the luxurious "Queen Maria" and the charming "The Golden Lion" have emerged as frontrunners in the race to establish a presence in Greece. These reputable hotel brands, known for their world-class amenities and unparalleled hospitality, are actively exploring opportunities to contribute to Greece's thriving tourism landscape.

This growth in Greece has also meant that leading airlines "Royal Dutch Airlines KLM" and "Sabena Belgian Airlines" are gearing up to enhance the travel experience to Greece.

Both airlines have voiced their intent to offer exclusive and budget-friendly deals for travelers seeking to explore the wonders of Greece's ancient history, stunning islands, and picturesque beaches. These special deals aim to attract more tourists and create seamless travel experiences. The CEO of KLM, Bart Defruis and Sabena's CEO, Olivier Resneaux, are seeking investments by Greek tourism companies to cheapen tickets

"We always wanted to go to Greece because of weather and culture. It combines both. And I really hope that people like us can afford it through these new deals by KLM or Sabena." - The Van Kipp family from Amsterdam.

In a bold move to further strengthen the ties between the Netherlands and Greece, the Dutch tourism board has put forth a visionary proposal. The proposal advocates for a bilateral agreement of mutual promotions, aiming to foster collaboration between the tourism industries of both nations. By jointly promoting each other's attractions, cultures, and offerings, this agreement seeks to bolster tourism from both countries.

"The agreement is simple. KLM and Sabena will make special deals for Greece and Olympic Airways will do the same for Benelux !" says the chairman of KLM.

Experts predict that the alliance between the Dutch hotel industry, airlines, and the Greek tourism sector will yield substantial benefits for both nations. As members of the European Community, the Netherlands and Greece anticipate a significant increase in tourist influx, further enriching the cultural exchange and economic ties between the two countries.

The rising tide of Greek tourism and the Dutch hotel industry's enthusiastic response signal a promising era of collaboration and growth. As travelers seek enchanting experiences, the Benelux and Greece are poised to flourish together, creating unforgettable memories for tourists from around the world.

      JULY 1961
      Violence Against Women Act

     O R D E M   E   P R O G R E S S O 

      Hail, precious banner of hope!
      Hail, august symbol of peace!
      Thy noble presence to our minds
      The greatness of our motherland does bring.

    BRASÍLIA, FEDERAL DISTRICT, Brazil Toucan — MORNINGTIME
    NATIONAL CONGRESS, MONUMENTAL AXIS

    | On June 7, 1960, for the first time in history, deputies from the Social Democratic Party, proposed a bill that will give protection to women who suffer domestic violence. But the more conservative members of the National Democratic Union (U.D.N), did not make it easy, they opposed the project, transforming the National Congress into a real boxing match. To make her bill a reality, Brazil’s President SARAH KUBITSCHEK, had to make several negotiations with various parties to support her bill, promising public office, there are assumptions that she even gave $2,000,000 to the U.D.N. On July 2, 1960, the Chamber of Deputies passed the bill 226-100 on its final reading. But in the Senate, it became more difficult, the project had a more detailed analysis and was almost not approved. |

    | Her Vice President JOÃO “JANGO” GOULART, also Vice President of the Federal Senate, visited the Planalto Palace more times than the ministers. The Federal Senate has stronger patriarchal roots, which will force SARAH to be even more diplomatic and, if necessary, offer money and positions. While visiting some lower-class women, she was told that the bill’s chance of passing the Senate was extremely low. Some U.D.N. senators who do not support the idea of a woman occupying the presidential seat voted against the bill. The reason SARAH wanted U.D.N. support was that they had more seats in the Senate. After some meetings with senators, she got the necessary support for her project to be passed. On July 9, 1961, the Federal Senate finally passed the bill. The following day, at the Planalto Palace, alongside Women’s Minister TEREZA DELTA, SARAH signed the bill that will come into force on August 10th. The Violence Against Women Act will establish a six-year prison sentence for abuse offenders, as well as domestic violence courts, and will require the establishment of 24-hour shelters for victims of domestic violence. Now the Brazilian government will guarantee protection to women who suffer domestic violence. |

«12. . .92,10092,10192,10292,10392,10492,10592,106. . .92,19492,195»

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