Confederation of Corrupt DictatorsBoard

The IPP is stronger and better than ever! Our cabinet is working tirelessly on new legislation, and our Presidential Candidate, Richard Desmond, has no plans on dying midway through his term. We promise to be transparent with our acts, which means releasing them before they're even done with drafting. We want YOU to help us edit and revise acts in order to have them the highest level of quality possible. The Imperial Imprint will be back, now with reliably released editions.

All IPP members will now be able to help more in different departments if they so choose. Are you good at art? Ask Shadow-Director Samantha Starlenn if she has any jobs for you! You will get access to different areas of the IPP building in order to facilitate easier communications between cabinet members and volunteers.

This upcoming election, I hope you all will vote strength, unity, and power. Vote IPP!

Hail the Confederation!

Richard Desmond
Senator of the Yeetusa
Chancellor of the IPP

1960s-1980s

More than any individual from the founding of the Ridnez Republic, Andreas Bombardone has proven a singularly potent force behind the shaping of the social institutions that govern Ridnezite life. Known as the Hierarch of Zendirism, Bombardone's supporters hail the man for rescuing a nation in decline and overthrowing a political system in terminal decay. Immensely popular among a broad and somewhat atypical cross-section of the citizenry -- including agricultural smallholders, major business magnates, the unionized urban workforce, and a middle-class founded upon the expansion of civil service careers and corporate middle-management functionaries, Bombardone is credited by these groups with the restoration of law and order to the streets of Ridnez's cities, gainful employment to the working man, profits to the socially responsible industrialist, stability to the government, and security to the nation. However, Bombardone's detractors -- who amount to a not inconsiderable sum if they could speak freely under his regime -- consider Bombardone a reckless megalomaniac on a power trip, a demagogue who exploited a state of widespread insecurity and terror to smash the established rule of law, and a charlatan whose vaunted successes in reviving the nation's economy amounted to the mass-liquidation of the cumulative assets of various ethnic and political groups, whom Bombardone's Zendirist party identified as their enemies.

Bombardone was born in the early 1960s to Federico Bombardone, a tenured professor in the Conti University School of Liberal Arts's classical literature department, and Andrea Bombardone, a medicinal chemist employed by pharmaceutical manufacturer Saturnalia, S.p.a. Both Bombardone's parents had a profound impact upon his psychological development in his earlier years. Bombardone inherited from his father a love for history and philosophy, which took the form of a fixation on the idea of "great men", exercising their will upon the world and forming the character of the Ridnezite nation through time. From a young age, Bombardone entertained a conviction that he could ascend to the ranks of the "great men" by making fullest use of his innate potential; this belief crystallized into the form of an obsession as Bombardone aged and informed much of his later political ideology of Zendirism. Taking after his mother's intellect, Bombardone discovered an affinity for organic chemistry during his secondary education and pursued a double-major in organic chemistry and business administration with a minor in chemical engineering. Gifted with an exceptional mind and a tenacious drive to succeed, Bombardone graduated from Conti University, magna cum laude, at the unprecedented young age of 21. Bombardone subsequently enrolled into the university's Ph.D.-MBA program and, within 3 years, completed his doctoral thesis on the relative environmental impact of bio-based versus petroleum-based industrial solvents in bulk product synthesis reactions. During his graduate studies, Bombardone met the acquaintance of fellow MBA student Vincenzo Borrelli, and in spite of the different goals and attitudes of the two talented young men, Bombardone and Borrelli became fast friends. This friendship would endure for years, well after both had gone their separate ways in the world of industry and eventually into radical politics.

At the age of 24, Andreas Bombardone submitted an application for public assistance from the Entrepreneurial Credit Administration, taking advantage of President Francesco Straccali's initiative to jumpstart Ridnez's technological advancement by subsidizing innovative ideas brought forth by the nation's best and brightest. Receiving a 5,000,000 florin zero-interest loan, Bombardone filed dozens of patent applications for various industrial methods of synthesizing industrial-grade biosolvents over the next couple of years, acquired a business license and submitted articles to incorporate Quattro Elementi Chemical Co., and began fronting capital costs for his enterprise. Although Quattro Elementi struggled through the end of the 80s due to an inability to compete on price with established oil industry titans, Bombardone continued to finance the company through equity and debt securities from investment banks, diverting funds to covertly enable a concerted activist and press campaign to expose Stratos Oil, Northstar Fields, S.p.a., and Ridcom -- a long-entrenched oligopoly over the Ridnezite petroleum industry collectively known as the Troika -- of colluding with Shahi oil suppliers for access to deposits in the enemy nation. As the Ridnez Armed Forces had preferentially contracted the Troika as fuel vendors for military vehicles and equipment, the joint chiefs of staff lost face with the exposé and put pressure on the Straccali administration to address the issue, which it achieved by jailing the board executives of the three companies and breaking up the companies themselves. Nevertheless, Straccali lost the 1990 presidential election to opposition leader Arturo Gerloni, who won with substantial support from both Bombardone and Vincenzo Borrelli.

Gerloni negotiated an end to the Fifth Ridnez-Shah War with the NEI Raj government, which at that time had superseded and defuncted the royalist government of Shah, and with an end to high military demand for petroleum-based fuel, the government saw fit to enact a new program of strengthening existing environmental regulations and reducing Ridnez's overall dependence on petroleum products... Which benefited Quattro Elementi's business model and allowed Bombardone to corner the market in his chosen sector. Andreas Bombardone became a darling of the media and an object of public fascination, until everything came crashing down in the Financial Meltdown of 1993. Quattro Elementi, like many other thriving Ridnezite businesses, was crushed by the collapse of the margin debt bubble which had supported Ridnezite economic growth up until that point. Consequently, the company was denied its appeal in bankruptcy court and dissolved with the revocation of Bombardone's business license, leaving only the accumulated capital of the company for Bombardone's creditors to foreclose upon. Bombardone, as a known figure and regarded as something of a "mad genius" by the public, was appointed by the Il Sole Chamber of Commerce to lobby the National Assembly for relief to suffering businesses, to no avail. After President Maury Napolitano embezzled from Ridnez's social security system and went underground, only former Speaker of the Assembly, Ophelia Drakos, remained to assume the presidential seat. Drakos decided that nothing further could be done to help that would not risk destroying the finance sector and lead to further depreciation of the florin, including a flight of foreign investors and spiraling unemployment. However, Bombardone gradually came to see something else at work -- a malevolent, ancient conspiracy by an "invading race" that sought to destroy him and drive the people of Ridnez to poverty and eventually enslavement. As the cascade of traumatic events continued -- including the death of his mother from brain cancer, dispossession of his house, and a near-fatal run-in with Ziconean street toughs -- the mental strain proved too great, and something in Bombardone's mind snapped.

The philosophical idealism which Bombardone nurtured throughout his life took an extremely dark turn. Bombardone became convinced that the spirit of the medieval monarch Amulius of Magnifico had conferred a historical destiny upon him to "save" Ridnez from the "foreign invaders" that he sensed were responsible for the onset of the Era of Chaos. Principally, Bombardone targeted Heisenians, whom he associated with the finance sector, and Ziconeans, whom he denigrated as destructive barbarians of low intelligence. Moreover, Bombardone popularized and claimed to have inherited the philosophy of an unknown pamphleteer known only as "Zendir", so named apparently due to the nation of Ridnez having been flipped "topsy-turvy", although it is likely that the existence of "Zendir" was a post hoc invention of Bombardone intended to legitimize himself. Bombardone codified the ideology of the published screeds attributed to "Zendir" into a document, the Zendirist Manifesto, which laid out a vision of a utopian society where a totalitarian state unified the so-called "national community" by absorbing the wills and individualities of every citizen into itself. Only by this means, conceptualized in terms of a "Zendirist revolution" aimed as bringing about "the New State", Bombardone alleged, could the people of Ridnez be collectively driven with a single purpose to self-improvement -- achieving a state of ostensible moral purity identified with a "new man" -- and overcome the "foreign invaders."

Starting in 1996, Bombardone rallied other disaffected and dispossessed Ridnezites into a violent, xenophobic, anti-democratic revolutionary organization, called the Integral Social Vanguard (ISV), although its adherents preferred to refer to the ISV as a "social movement" to give the impression of grassroots organization and authenticity. After several years of militant encounters with an increasingly demoralized and underpaid police force, and hate crimes committed against Heisenians, Ziconeans, and occasionally other less-well-represented ethnic minorities, Bombardone was contacted by the joint chiefs of staff of the Armed Forces -- Davide Sciabarra of the Ground Force, Giulio Bisogno of the Imperial Navy, and Aldo Scaglietti of the Aerospace Force -- and informed that there would be no intervention against the ISV by any branch of the military if they marched on the Presidential Palace in Il Sole on December 24, 2001. On that day, the power was cut to the Il Sole power grid by the military, allowing Bombardone to lead his forces against the capital, wipe out police lines still loyal to the Republic, and capture the Palace. This was followed by the brutal execution of Ophelia Drakos and her husband Bruno by one of Bombardone's more deranged stalwarts: Gianfranco Del Tuono, future Director of State Security.

One month after occupying the capital, Bombardone disseminated a list compiling names of "inconvenient people" occupying distinguished positions in the provincial and national civil service, the local and national press, industry leaders, financiers, speculators, foreign dignitaries, suspected and known organized crime figures, and leadership and veteran members of the by-then moribund and underfunded Directorate of State Security (StateSec). This ambitious execution order was carried out with a degree of abhorrent fanaticism by hitmen and paramilitarists associated with Zendirist party cadres. Last but not least, Bombardone convened the National Assembly at gunpoint and compelled them to ratify one final written law, prepared for the Assemblymen in advance by Bombardone and his closest allies. This law, the Political Consolidation for National Defense (PCND) Act, concentrated and exaggerated all executive and legislative prerogatives in Bombardone's person as the Chief of State, abolished the National Assembly and the office of President, and indefinitely suspended the Constitution of Ridnez. Only one Assemblyman refused to submit on his honor; for his troubles, the Zendirist guards dragged this hapless politician out into the street and dashed his skull against the curb. For his first act as Chief of State, Bombardone dissolved all other political parties other than the ISV, and had their leadership arrested and imprisoned on charges of treason. The Zendirists sought to immortalize these events in Ridnezite history by giving them the title of the "Second Ridnez Revolution", implying by reference to the First Revolution that their party was an agent for transformative social change.

Bombardone surrounded himself with trusted confidantes and party ideologues once firmly established in political power. Del Tuono was appointed to restructure and rebuild the StateSec Directorate from the ground up, going from an agency which had exhausted most of its energies in espionage and surveillance at the time of the Ridnez-Shah Wars, into an even more ruthless and repressive force bent on controlling the behavior of every Ridnezite citizen in their public and private lives. Fellow failed businessmen Alessandro D'Amico, Maurizio Fiore, and Renard D'Este were placed in the Directorates of Public Finance (GovInvest), Agriculture, and Industry and Labor (IndLab). Former President and environmentalist politician Arturo Gerloni occupied the Directorate of Environmental Protection (EnviroProtect). Sergio Vitale, an unethical psychologist who was convicted to 20 years in prison for performing sensory deprivation experiments on the homeless, was released and appointed to the Directorate of Social Policy (SocPol), with a focus now aimed at social engineering, media manipulation, press censorship, and information control. The only member of the Drakos administration who was permitted who retain his post (much less live) under the Zendirist dictatorship was Gregorio De Marco, a librarian for the official government archives who had served as Director of Diplomacy under the previous government. The reasons given for why De Marco was retained vary: Either De Marco had seen the proverbial writing on the wall and secretly joined the Il Sole chapter of the ISV prior to the "Second Ridnez Revolution", or he tripped over something and made Bombardone laugh by giving himself a concussion.

Bombardone and his General Directorate set about to remake Ridnez in their image, starting by extending their influence throughout the country to all the cities and towns, no matter how remote. In the spring of 2002, a resistance movement germinated within the northern cities and provinces of Ridnez, such as Magnifico, Foglie Contorte, Giacinto, and Grande Taguardo, which identified with Pasquale Amalfi, the "Father of the Republic." This resistance group, the Sons of Amalfi, fared well against the Zendirists initially. However, Bombardone still held the allegiance of the professionally trained and armed military, and relentless aerial bombardment of several of these cities over the course of several months brought the resistance to heel by the early months of 2003.

However, the Sons of Amalfi uprising was associated with the earliest reports of a mercenary called "The Ocelot", who was ostensibly in Ridnez to carry out espionage assignments for the rebels against the military forces. This was not the same as the later figure to use the name, but was a South Usean soldier of fortune who "adopted", raised, and trained Bianca Drakos -- daughter of the deceased Ophelia and Bruno Drakos -- to later take up the name and connections for herself. The great irony of the Sons of Amalfi revolt was that Bombardone and the ISV had themselves used the name and memory of Amalfi to justify their thrust; the conflict between the First and Second Republics, as such, was not a battle between totally unrelated belief systems, but between two sides of the same coin... two movements that started from similar premises and sources of inspiration and arrived at wildly incompatible conclusions about natural social order, the future, and the significance of human life itself.

In late 2003, Bombardone's General Directorate rolled out a systematic plan for the recovery of the economy. In the midst of political upheaval and borderline civil war, the country's major financial institutions, which had foreclosed upon personal and corporate assets of their debtors en masse, were themselves facing insolvency. Bombardone founded a state-owned holding company, the Institute for Industrial Reconstruction (IRI), which injected new capital into these failing banks and funds, in so doing acquiring controlling shares and quasi-nationalizing the country's financial system. This was accompanied by a decree law promulgated by Bombardone which squarely laid the insolvency of these institutions and the downturn of the economy overall at the feet of "the Heisenian race" and stripped citizenship from all Heisenian residents of Ridnez. Prior to this, many Heisenian-Ridnezites of means had endeavored to flee Ridnez across the Golden Sea to the NEI Raj, but after the official persecution begun, it had become too late for most.

Del Tuono distributed a list of guidelines to all branches of the "new" StateSec Directorate, which were intended to be used to determine how much Heisenian ancestry one could have in their pedigree before being considered "Heisenian" by the New State's discriminatory laws. These guidelines were not publicized, causing many Ridnezites to fear that StateSec would delve into their family's birth records, mark them down as "Heisenian" even if they did not identify as such, and unperson them. Once deprived of citizenship, Heisenian-Ridnezites would be stripped of all assets without any entitlement to due reimbursement, and were isolated in cramped ghetto areas of every major city. As the IRI drew all funds from GovInvest, most of its investments were made with "theoretical" liquid capital; the oppression of the Heisenian demographic was used as the excuse for financing the IRI in actuality to carry out its intended program. Naturally, this process -- referred to euphemistically as Public Rehabilitation of National Assets (PRNA) Initiative -- was fraught with corruption even beyond the scope of its intended abuses. StateSec officers with less oversight from Del Tuono often fabricated Heisenian pedigrees on well-to-do Ridnezites outside the party in order to justify violating their rights and looting their possessions. Among a few of those victimized in this matter, sympathies grew for the Heisenians who were originally supposed to be targeted by this officially sanctioned abuse. The IRI proceeded to use its control over the majority of the nation's corporate assets to distribute it in cronyist patterns among Bombardone's friends and allies.

StateSec operative Valentino Oberto was rewarded for service with homicidal distinction by the re-incorporation of his late father's defunct merchant business, the Oberto Durable Goods and Exports Company, under Valentino's ownership. The IRI retained exclusive ownership of dockyards and shipyards in order to front ship maintenance and repair costs for Oberto Durable Goods and Exports, as well as to decrease possibilities for dishonest dockyard owners to try to smuggle imported goods past the highly restrictive customs regime. Likewise, Vincenzo Borrelli was ousted as CEO of General Ridnez Petrochemical Co. by the Board of Directors prior to the Revolution, due to being outed as one of the ISV's early bankrollers, but the IRI nationalized the company and sold 50% of its equity to Borrelli, in addition to re-appointing Borrelli as CEO through the government's own handpicked board members. The IRI took over ownership of pipelines in order to assume costs of upkeep and nullify use-fees.

Both Oberto's and Borrelli's companies were granted monopoly privileges in their respective sectors by government statutes. Zendirist-affiliated labor racketeer Stefano Felici led an illegal attempt to seize control of an automobile factory after learning that his union's employer Aurelio Desti, S.p.a., was preparing to shut down operations in anticipation of foreclosure. When Aurelio Desti requested the Zendirist government to intervene in its favor, Felici brought his rival case before Bombardone and accused Aurelio Desti of insufficient patriotism by seeking to keep industrial capacity out of production simply to exercise right of exclusion. Bombardone decided in Felici's favor and decreed that Felici's unionized workforce could continue to operate the plant as a cooperative.

By late 2003, Bombardone had issued the Memorandum on the Restructuring of National Economy (M-RNE), describing an outline for a new type of centrally coordinated economic framework, wherein industry and union representatives would congregate in a semi-governmental body to devise a "strategic plan" for the allocation of existing resources to meet multisectoral target goals. By the end of the year, the IndLab Directorate was empowered by Bombardone to take the necessary actions to implement this idea. With that, Bombardone and Renard D'Este enacted the Industrial Consolidation and Corporate Integration (ICCI) Act, which dissolved in one fell swoop all businesses that possessed total equity of less than 500,000 florins and forbade establishment of new businesses without a minimum startup capital of 1,000,000 florins. The ICCI Act also formed a statutory trade union named the Ridnez All-Labor Guild, designated the All-Labor Guild as the only legal and state-recognized trade association in the country, nominated Stefano Felici as its Chief Representative, and gave the Guild a grace period of one year to occupy and seize management of storefronts and factories belonging to companies dissolved by the act. The All-Labor Guild established branches nationwide which liaised with one another and exercised workers' self-management in any number of industries. However, by the end of 2004, all remaining unclaimed assets would be swept up by the IRI and sold off to corporate cronies. The end-result was the strict delineation between parallel, clearly defined interest groups of labor and industry, both construed to be totally beholden to the ISV.

The representative assembly of industry and labor groups stipulated in the M-RNE document came into existence in February 2005, known as the Council of Corporations. No more than 12 representatives convened in the Council, which took up residence in the former National Assembly hall. Altogether, the 12 labor and industry groups reflected the pillars of the Zendirist process of "economic consolidation" -- As Renard D'Este had put it in an interview dated to later that year in The People of Ridnez, "each branch of the national economy is like a finger on a hand: We can look at it, measure it, know what it is, and what it's capable of... but they can't contact each other so well necessarily, can they? That's where IndLab... in other words, I... come in. IndLab is like the thumb... Opposable, has the greatest dexterity. And you can't make a fist without a thumb. That's the point of our agenda, to make it so that the government can contact each of the recognized interest groups in Ridnez's economy -- now that they've been consolidated so efficiently -- better than they can contact each other, and use that to get them to work together with a sort of collective force that they couldn't do so well on their own." Or in other words, the Council of Corporations was designed to direct the national economy of Ridnez in synchrony through schemes of targeted intervention enforced by IndLab.

Andreas Bombardone shocked the country, including his own supporters, in autumn 2005 when he declared that Ridnez would hold elections. Elections would be held for the President of Ridnez if the Second Ridnez Revolution had not abolished the previous mode of government, but Zendirism had promoted itself as a permanent fixture going forward into the nation's future. Furthermore, the only mechanisms and institutions by which any opposition candidate could even organize were long gone. Nevertheless, Bombardone insisted in staged press conferences that Zendirism would prove its place in the "genuinely democratic and republican tradition of Ridnez" by respecting the popular vote. When polling locations were readied for citizens to vote, the choices presented on the ballot were "life" and "death." Reportedly, anyone who voted for "death" was executed on the spot by a silenced pistol. Some polling locations had other options such as "order" and "chaos", but to the same general theme and with the same consequences. Naturally, over 99.8% of the population voted for "life", and Bombardone delivered a televised "inauguration speech", wherein he implored Ridnezite citizens to continue to entrust the New State to "dignify" their lives through granting a "commonality of purpose" and proclaimed, in a blasphemous derivation of the Book Maris, that "ye shall be as gods". Bombardone guaranteed the masses that every civilization was solely built through the working of a strong central authority married to a visionary mentality, and asserted that cooperation with the party, the government, and the syndicates in all matters would be prerequisite to regaining Ridnezites' "lost glory" as a people.

In spring 2006, various trade unions that were outlawed by the ICCI Act staged a nationwide general strike, intent on preserving their autonomy to collectively negotiate with employers on their own terms without joining the All-Labor Guild. Bombardone pulled strings with Felici to pit members of the All-Labor Guild against the strikers in violent street clashes, as the Guild had gained an advantageous position from their monopoly in the labor market. The government stood apart from the violence for the first few months, in order to lend credence to the notion of spontaneous ideological struggle on behalf of Zendirism by nationalistic workers. However, after a few months, small businessmen and entrepreneurs who were wiped out by the ICCI Act joined the non-Zendirist unions, establishing a strategy of taking over vacant or unproductive storefronts and using them to run illegal local businesses. Bombardone perceived that permitting the situation to escalate would compromise his own position and frustrate the Council of Corporations. Ergo, StateSec was deployed to put a quick end to the burgeoning revolt.

Rumors were transmitted about the fate visited upon the strikers and black-marketeers, and even though the SocPol Informational Integrity Board reviewed and sanitized all news reports of the events by the Zendirist-consolidated press syndicate, there were enough inconsistencies among the various publications that this became noticed. A new field of forbidden analysis was opened up by this phenomenon -- "Zendir-watching" -- whereby critics of the regime would reconstruct the true versions of events by reading subtext and watching for discrepancies among the official news media. Bombardone caught wind of this development and reacted by compelling the merger of all media instruments in the nation into one monolithic state-owned corporation, the Ridnez State Media Conglomerate (RSMC). By the year's end, the number of channels broadcast to television sets across the nation was reduced to 5, and RSMC was exclusively responsible for producing content for all of them. WRSMC aired around the clock as the New State's chief propaganda organ, while the other 4 channels were dedicated to art and music criticism and history and popular science documentaries. All newspaper publications were discontinued with the exception of the ISV's own affiliate newspaper, The People of Ridnez, which fell under RSMC as well. All official media was made free to consume; the government paid for television service for all citizens.

In autumn later that year, Bombardone declared the forgiveness of all debts, in what proved to be a masterstroke of a public relations coup. This was followed up by another radical intervention: Bombardone and Maurizio Fiore enacted the Agricultural Land Reclamation Initiative (ALRI), seizing 2/3 of all agricultural estates larger than 1500 hectares and dividing the land up among former tenant farmers in smaller parcels. A secondary prong of the ALRI initiative involved opening up new and fertile land to agricultural usage by draining Ridnez's previously protected marshlands and swamplands. Arturo Gerloni objected to the ecological ramifications of the initiative, but the expansion of small and self-sufficient farms made Bombardone immensely popular upon the rural population. Many of the sons and daughters of this demographic group would be raised to be fiercely patriotic and loyal, it not to Zendirist ideological precepts per se, then to Andreas Bombardone's person, and the next generation to come from these communities would proportionately enlist in the greatest numbers to join the rank-and-file of the Ridnez Ground Force.

The year 2007 saw the beginning of the Magnus Program, an ambitious project to renovate Ridnez's cities by largely tearing down old and decaying infrastructure, rebuilding public utility systems to reflect higher-efficiency techniques, expanding and connecting existing roadways and highways, redesigning urban transit to prioritize and increase the existing quality of public transport, and replacing older skyscrapers and buildings reflecting non-Zendirist-approved architectural styles with a "modern" uniformity emphasizing monolithic, imposing structures and themes of technological and industrial progress. As part of this project, the capital city of Il Sole experienced drastic changes, many of them controversial among the locals. The Presidential Palace -- which Bombardone and his General Directorate used as government HQ after the Revolution -- was subject to these renovations as well, in addition to extensive security upgrades. Finally, Bombardone passed a decree renaming Il Sole as Centro Nuovo, indicating that, for all intents and purposes, it was a new city... one dedicated to the transformation of Ridnez's national soul through Zendirism. The project went further still, as an entirely new city was built from scratch, requiring the clearance of miles of suburban sprawl and the compulsory relocation of the residents to the surrounding communities.

The new city was an original architectural and urban planning achievement of the New State, supposedly proof of its will and capacity to create according to regime rhetoric. Ultimately, the city received the name of Fulmine Rosso, and the residents of the communities originally cleared to make way for the city's construction were reserved paid luxury apartments in Fulmine Rosso by the government. The Magnus Program was only possible because of the large tracts of urban land which fell under ownership of the IRI, however. The IRI financed this ambitious urban remodeling and became, in a manner of speaking, the only landlord in Ridnez. Rents were nullified in perpetuity, and housing costs were subsequently to be paid for by the capital confiscated from Heisenians. A bullet-point of the Magnus Program also concerned the modernization of public utilitiies; each city administration was tasked with implementing and financing the construction of a complex utility tunnel network based on a uniform design template. This was anticipated to increase ease of access for maintenance workers and therefore to reduce associated costs of repair... However, the spacious and interlinked nature of the tunnels, and their relatively low degree of surveillance, also made them prime targets for use in surreptitious transport and communication by future anti-Zendirist groups.