Official State Bulletin: A Plan For National Post-War Prosperity - A Communique to the People of this Venerable ConfederationMy friends, I apologize for my lengthy period of silence from the unfortunate civil disorder which has engulfed our righteous Confederation for too long. It has been weeks since I deployed my forces for Depackya in concert with my loyal ally, Andrew Merkennon of New Destrucion. Due to private issues, I have been unable to be of much effect in the conflict and know not what became of our forces. I can only hope that Marshal Konstantin Molotov of Russian States of Eurasia was capable of making good use of the divisions which I contributed to the CDF with instructions to be placed under immediate command of the Department of Defense. I am somewhat bewildered by the conclusion of this conflict and the nomination of Her Majesty, the Regina of Regna Loreau, as Despot, but it seems that the interminable dithering of the Imperial Senate has brought the Council to that point. This development does validate my warning to the people of the Confederation, in my first published Official State Bulletin, that the liberal implications of parliamentary pluralism would be a burdensome impediment to expedient governance in the long run of affairs. With that having been said, although I cannot say I can currently pledge a full return to normal investment in Confederation politics, I felt obliged to make several recommendations to the people and to our beneficent leaders of how the Confederation may be restructured in the wake of the conflict.
To remedy the symptoms of a presentation of illness, it is imperative that the actual disease must be accurately diagnosed and treated. As the fundamental basis of medical practice, we can all accept this axiomatically as reasonable and logical. It is simply the most sensible course of action from the perspective of utilitarian resource distribution, in the interests of cutting down on waste and targeting desired results with the least amount of resource consumption that is necessary. Furthermore, medicine also increasingly emphasizes preventive services over the curative aspects which are more prevalent in the average person's unconscious assumptions of a physician's responsibilities. If the disorder can be prevented from emerging in the first place, then resources do not have to be expended to counteract its ruinous development. As it is for the human or any other living organism, so it must also be with the state, which is in so many ways an extension of the human personality across the void of infinity. The civil war was merely a symptom of an underlying disease, and we may consider it requisite to preventing another, more catastrophic outbreak that this disease is routed as quickly and aggressively as it is within the capabilities of our superiors to manage. My diagnosis for the disease was already laid out months ago, when I warned of the sinister creep of liberalism into the institutions and the milieu of Confederation culture, yet my predictions were cast aside as the excessively grandiloquent pronouncements of a self-indulgently verbose windbag. Now that history has vindicated me, whatever one may say of my manner of personal conveyance, I feel confident in saying that the government-yet-to-come should consider the reification of the Confederation's common cultural foundations a chief priority. The Imperial Senate was fraught with petty grievances and individualistic fractioning of parties. Its unspoken creed was exactly that of all parliamentarism, which is irresponsibility of assemblies, lack of discipline, and frictions between private cliques. Each party represented a clique, and some parties contained more than one. For instance, the old NAP contained the clique of Hazelwood and the clique of Whittfield, and the friction which inevitably arose tore the NAP asunder and made the elementary policymaking process more convoluted and difficult. Insofar as partisanship may be permitted to continue, frictions such as this will only increase, leading to compromise, deadlock, and unsatisfactory half-measures. Only the ISV and Whittfield's NUF, out of all the parties, have had any notion of recognizing, encompassing, and surpassing the moment of difference between the interest groups of the people, thus absorbing and synthesizing them into the total unit of what Zendirism describes as the New State. The establishment of a Despotate to exercise the concentrated powers of the entire Imperial Senate may have been decided under a state of advanced exasperation by the Imperial Council, but it is a supremely laudable move which can only bode well for the tides of progress. For now, I invest full faith in the Council's appointee that they may guide the lower tier of government with decisiveness, equity, and mental lucidity. Some recommendations that I may have for encouraging the consolidation of the Confederation would be to declare the Confederation as a pan-national entity unto itself, possessing and exercising the collective right of popular sovereignty against the preposterous "Liberation" resolution of the World Assembly Security Council, but more importantly, possessing and exercising those rights exclusively. There are too many Confederation member states who see the Confederation as a provider of benefits to which they are principally entitled before owing any responsibilities in turn. These states want to insist upon their individual right as nation-states against the overarching cultural unity which is apparent in the Confederation at large, and they maintain a selfish attitude of prioritizing their own protection from the malignance of outside forces over the higher duty to serve the Confederation above themselves. Yet the proper understanding if the Confederation is to endure ought to be the other way around: The sovereignty of the Confederation should take precedence over the "sovereignty" of the member states; no sacrifice should be too great and no obligation too burdensome. The democratic nonsense of the Senate only gave these selfish impulses unrestricted expression, and if the submission of the Senate to the Despot is to accomplish only one thing from my position, it ought to be the resolution of this particular point in favor of the Confederation's pan-national supremacy over "individualism of the peoples."
Another great project which may be undertaken to more perfectly unify the Confederation as an indivisible, self-contained, total quantity concerns the construction of proper infrastructure to unite the member states of the Confederation and facilitate the flourishing of interstate commerce. Industries are the life-sustaining organs of the state, responsible for producing goods and services that uphold the entirely of national life, yet it is also undeniable that it is government infrastructure which ultimately upholds the entirety of industry. The judicious involvement of the state in the construction of public transportation networks such as municipal roads, freeways, tunnels, bridges, railways, subways, etc. underpins the profitability of business enterprises by enabling greater ease of resource allocation which in turn serves the logistical needs of industrial production and commodity distribution. Here, the eminent reality can be observed that the presumed justice of autonomy in the "private sphere" is at its foundations a colossal jest which no serious-minded person ought to speak of. Private industry can only succeed with the support of government; rather than affirming the rights of private industry to be "free" from government intervention, it follows that government should enforce its rights to its proper share of the profits which are netted by private businesses. A stringent system of taxation which enforces the state's rights to its proper, substantial share of every private fortune and company profit margin would suffice to finance massive public works projects further interconnecting the industries of the Confederation. This will further aid in efficient distribution of materials down supply chains and boost productivity and profitability, in addition to sustaining a large workforce which will consequently reduce unemployment and promote our own people's elevation out of the poverty which a prolonged internal conflict so often brings. The increased productivity of businesses will correspond with an increase in consumption, and the resultant increases in profitability can be subjected to a progressive system of taxation in order to finance further public works in addition to other state-subsidized projects which promote the people's welfare. It should not be understated that these public works programs dovetail perfectly with any pan-national initiative, as an interconnected commercial infrastructure invariably permits interconnection of social structures. This should aid in breaking down the barriers of obdurate provincialism and bring to light the natural organic unity of the Confederation in its entirely over any particular sub-national loyalty.
Before the civil conflict over Vocryae, there was serious debate over the methodology which ought to be applied in the creation of a financial system for the Confederation, with some favoring a national bank to exercise monetary policy, others favoring a wholly nationalized banking system, and still more arguing that no central banking authority should exist at all. The devastation of civil conflict has doubtlessly resulted in immense loss of life and destruction of property. If reconstruction is to be coordinated expeditiously in adherence to a rational program, it will necessarily require a system of finance, as loans will have to be taken out by both government and the private sector to rebuild public and private infrastructure, restore stability to civilian life in housing and employment situations, and achieve rapid reindustrialization. All these objectives must be pursued promptly lest the dual millstones of crime and poverty crush the people of Jocospor and other Confederation member states into a miserable and perpetual state of discontent, which can only drive them into the arms of communist agitators who will use subtle rhetorical tricks and outright deception to transfer the blame from the so-called "Traditionalist" faction to the Loyalists who ultimately prevailed. The solution which seems to be prescribed by the situation is the provision of low-interest loans to households, businesses, and governments of Loyalist member states to finance their own various reconstruction efforts. The means by which this solution may be accomplished should be the compulsory cartelization of all financial institutions into a state-controlled syndicate, with the aim of circumventing competition, depressing interest rates, encouraging inflationary monetary policy and conversely combatting unemployment, and financing the reclamation and renovation of damaged property. Valuable assets from Traditionalist member states may also be seized and liquidated by the Confederation government for the purpose of allocating funds to direction of reconstruction efforts in Loyalist member states.
The primary selling point of communist ideology is the Marxist theory of historical materialism. As everyone knows, this theory claims that the socioeconomic history of humanity occurs by dialectical synthesis of classes into new systems of property organization, among which capitalism (defined according to Marxism by antithetical opposition of classes of proletariat and bourgeoisie) is considered to be the precursor to proletarian socialism. Without debating the application of the Hegelian dialectic here to this end, it should come as no surprise that class-conflict ideology is especially attractive to lower socioeconomic strata in nations where immense inequalities in wealth exist, due to resentment by these strata of insufficient wages for the execution of their productive functions. The proposal of a system which will consolidate labor and capital interests into occupational syndicates will sidestep the threat of future communist revolution by eradicating the causes from which class-struggle ideology finds its greatest strength, as the unmitigated greed of competitive market mechanisms and the utter impotence of labor interests under the indifferent auspices of neoliberalism are replaced by fair, collaborative arbitration through the medium of the state apparatus. This possibility should not be inauspicious to the interests of capital either; on the contrary, support extended to these syndicates through institutional mechanisms of the state will reward capital just the same as labor, which is to say to the degree requisite to its contributions to the functioning of the economy and the maintenance of the state. Only disloyal capital and labor interests have any reason to oppose the establishment of such a system, which is naturally to say the plutocrats and communists both manifest their true nature as opposite sides of the same coin, defined by the same placement of particular interest, whether individual interest or class interest, over national interest and state interest. Ultimately, both act to the detriment of the state and bring doom down upon not only themselves, but also true nationalistic elements as well.