by Max Barry

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by The People's Federation of South Reinkalistan. . 58 reads.

General Secretary Mozhkin Turaniski (WIP)


Lenin's position in the P.F.R.'s ideology is complex. Simply-put, he is seen as the prelude to the dawn of the new age; a progenitor to the Federation's present leadership.



"Throughout history, the visionaries of the future have always been fettered by the antiquated past. This superfluous appendix, the things our civilisation has outgrown; they only now pose a threat for sickness. What once was here must be amputated, severed, removed. What will be -- that is the beautiful world we will have the honour of building. Eternity beckons!"

- The Official Party Handbook
M. Turaniski


54 (born 5th April 1966)


6 feet, 4 inches


98 kilograms (216lbs)


General Secretary


Mozhkin K. Turaniski was born on the 5th April, 1966, during the tail end of the active stage of the revolutionary war. With combat on the northern front beginning to die down, and the P.F.R.'s authorities growing from provisional to established and legitimate, he found himself one of the first children born into a new era. As the son of a war hero and high-ranking government official, his early life saw him decorated for this, with the cult of personality quickly emerging around his father starting to affect perceptions of him as well. The first few years of his life were marked by significant adoration by the people, though he had limited interaction with his father due to tense political circumstance. In 1970, when his father became de-facto leader of the entire country, however, this cult of the "First Child of the New World" became sponsored by every institution in the nation.

With this less than conventional upbringing, for Mozhkin's earlier education he was placed under the tutelage of several professionals on various subjects. Educated alone, he had very little interaction with other children and found himself rather isolated. Regardless, he still attended multiple public appearances with his father and continued to be nigh-idolised by national propaganda. It is suspected that at this point he was already being groomed to inherit his father's position, with very basic education on socialist political theory being brought into his education at the age of eight.

This constant alienation took a toll on Mozhkin's mental health. He developed rather erratic and aggressive symptoms, which was of great concern to the propagandists which were still sustaining his cult. After being psychologically analysed - and to his father's great reluctance - he was sent into a public school at the age of thirteen, with the hopes that he would begin to relax and gradually become more tempered and regular. He was introduced to the school, yet this also marked a grand introduction ceremony and an almost deferential treatment by the other children. The only long-lasting friend he did make was a boy his age, Lakersk Turnov, who he maintained closeness with. However, with everyone else he continued to act with irritation and a clear sense of superiority. Many suspect that at this point he began to suffer delusions of grandeur as a result of his upbringing.

Mozhkin age 18, graduating secondary school

At the end of this, regardless, Mozhkin proved to be an exceptionally intelligent adolescent. Passing all of his classes at secondary school and final exams with relative ease, he entered the newly-opened university of Turaniskidak - named after his father - where he continued to study. He also managed to get Turnov placed on a priority list for attendance at the university, which he succeeded in exploiting. He read voraciously, studying Hegel, Marx, Feuerbach, Lenin, Foucault, Althusser, Weidegger, and the collected works of his father. Mozhkin also read Marcus Aurelius' Meditations, but concluded there was nothing of worth to be learned in it. Now in early adulthood, Mozhkin excelled at his university education - his course being philosophy and politics - and managed to graduate with a qualification showing proficiency in his subject.


Surprising almost nobody, Mozhkin joined the Reinkalistani Communist Party at age 21, in 1987. He was also elected as the representative of the Turaniskidak Central constituency to the People's Congress in early 1991 by a 70% majority, becoming the youngest member of the legislature. He would frequently deliver speeches on the floor, proposed multiple new laws which were then ratified, and attended multiple party meetings throughout his time there. However, during this he had also made multiple enemies in the party's political framework. With his father growing older, and more powers being delegated to his subordinates, the protections of being the General Secretary's son were quickly starting to wane.

The attitude Mozhkin displayed in his general interactions with other party members, typically reflecting a sense of superiority, would earn him many enemies, especially among those who did not wish to see him in charge when his father passed away. To this end, an unofficial, unannounced coalition began to form against the young partyman. Most troublesome was the meddling of the Federation's then-President, Antonais Lavask, who quickly began to head this impromptu alliance. Thankfully for Mozhkin, he was not alone. Not only had Turnov followed him into the Party, joining a mere two years after him, but he also had, in a visit to the local garrison, earned the friendship of Jesk Karayov, a highly talented and praised young officer in the Reinkalistani Red Army. With his connections through Karayov and the military prestige of his father, the military would be most likely on Mozhkin's side.

Lavask overlooking one of his constituency's many industrial areas

As a rapidly rising member of the party, Mozhkin was also expected to make theoretical contributions to the state ideology as a whole. He dedicated the best part of 1992 to the production of a large treatise on the geopolitical course for the nation, titled "The Fall of the Old World: Where to, Reinkalistan?" It went into great detail about advocacies regarding internal governance, ideological development, and the state of Marxism as a whole. But most importantly was the content of its section on geopolitics. Mozhkin stated that, in the wake of the fall of the USSR, the socialist world was leaderless and rapidly decomposing. It was, therefore, the natural objective of the P.F.R. to assume the leadership of the socialist world, adapt it to a Reinkalistani ideological framework, and mobilise it to achieve victory against the imperialists.

Naturally, appealing to Reinkalistani ideological dominance made this work very popular, and it further supported Mozhkin's somewhat meteoric rise through the ranks. His relative youth making his ascendance all the more impressive, his brashness in triumph proved too much for Lavask and his allies to bear. With the General-Secretary becoming even less authoritative - and even more distant from Mozhkin, to whom he was never close with but for propaganda anyway - they began to openly criticise Mozhkin and accuse him of revisionist sentiment. For substantiation on this matter, they cited a section in "Where to, Reinkalistan?":

It is imperative to the construction of the ideology and associated state apparatus that the development be associated with a process, a fundamental tenet; the old goal of "Communism", as a definite thing which exists beyond the present state of things, is insufficient to describe what it projects upon the instrument of its implementation. Communism now operates as a verb more than a noun. We perform Communism. We do things Communistically. It is through this that our new world shall be born.

It was accused of him that this violated fundamental principles regarding how Communism can only arise in the absence of class conflict, whereas the state can only arise where class conflict exists; in this sense, to suggest Communism could be performed in a situation such as that of the P.F.R., i.e., a dictatorship of the proletariat, would be a blatant revision of Marxist thought. Turaniski countered this, however, by saying that he was merely extending the scope of what Communism entailed. He berated his critics, stating that they were reducing Communism to a simple dogma, trying to stand immobile in the ever-changing stream of time. By expressing this in a passionate speech, he managed to convince the Congress of his supposedly duly socialist intentions, thus frustrating the ambitions of his opponents and their attempts to throttle his influence.


On the morning of the 2nd of June, 1994, the world woke up to shocking news. News that to some seemed to come out of nowhere; to others, perhaps those more observant, news that was a long time in the making. The New Communist Party of Great Britain, supported by the People's Federation of Reinkalistan, had incited an insurrection of the British people. The military was defecting, and Buckingham palace had been symbolically stormed, with the royal family detained. And now, a mob numbering in the hundreds of thousands was marching on Downing Street, demanding the resignation of the Prime Minister.

By the time the day was over, the United Kingdom was no more. In its place stood the British People's Commonwealth, immediately recognised by the Reinkalistani Communist Party. Already, nations across the world were reacting with delight or dismay; the latter perhaps reflecting the dominant sentiment. Already, the Reinkalistani Red Army was sent to protect the nascent revolution of the British people from reactionary invasion. With authorisation from the P.F.R., the entire Windsor royal family in captivity was executed. To monitor the progress of the revolution, Mozhkin was temporarily relieved of his seat in the People's Congress, and sent with Turnov as an official representative to Britain.

They arrived in Parliament Square just in time to see the statues of various politicians and historical figures all be torn down. Churchill, Disraeli, Peel, and many others were all toppled by NCPGB volunteers, while countless onlookers watched. Afterwards, they visited Parliament - where the NCPGB General Secretary, Arthur Scargill, had set up a temporary office - to discuss the future of relations between Reinkalistan and Revolutionary Britain. By all accounts, everyone expected it to be a decided deal from the start. However, the discussion was hampered by Mozhkin's continued interjection and egotistical contention on many futile points. Not to mention how Scargill - an old, grizzled veteran of the UK's socialist resistance - was somewhat insulted by the fact that he was negotiating with two men in their twenties, something not helped by Mozhkin's attitude.

NCPGB General Secretary Arthur Scargill in front of the BPC flag

However, the situation was alleviated slightly by Turnov's surprisingly quick wit, during which he managed to smooth over a lot of the unnecessary bumps which Mozhkin had caused. His naturally easy-going and smooth manner impressed Scargill, rescuing the negotiations and managing to secure promises of a friendship treaty. Mozhkin would recognise this seemingly innate talent, and keep it in mind for the future. In the meantime, he would stay with Turnov in Britain for a matter of months, during which he came to possess a sort of reluctant appreciation for the country. However, he was happy to return home in late September, his diplomatic embarrassments smoothed over by the state press.


From the mid to late 1990s, the General Secretary's health continued to decline rapidly. This had connotations for Mozhkin, who was by now totally without the support of his father and relying off of a mix of the propaganda surrounding him and his own accomplishments. As the likely successor to his father's position, he became an even more controversial figure, and earned yet great enmity from Lavask and his allies. With a reputation for youthful arrogance, the actions of Mozhkin had done him no favours; despite this, he maintained an active base of support among the population, and most importantly in the army, with Karayov continuing to rise through the ranks. With this, he began making preparations with Karayov, Turnov, and a few other conspirators to seize power in the wake of his father's death.

However, this was not the only group making moves. Lavask saw the trajectory of Mozhkin's career - the infuriating reality that no matter his shortcomings he would continue to move nowhere but upwards off the back of his father's prestige - and decided that more direct action was needed. He began to set the gears in motion for an assassination attempt. Money was passed around, calls were made, and a small group of those dedicated to preventing the rise of Mozhkin to General Secretary began to commit to drastic measures: they would attempt to kill the First Child of the New World.

Turaniski and Turnov discuss political strategy in the former's office

So while Lavask and co. waited for an opening to present itself, Mozhkin continued to extend his influence. He held meetings with other high-ranking partymen - Turnov doing much of the talking - to swing them to his side. Karayov and his circle in the military would continue to secure units prepared to fight for Mozhkin's assumption of the General Secretariat. However, the most crucial prize of all, official endorsement from his father, was secured in 1996. With this, his ascent to power seemed nigh-unstoppable, and it was up to Lavask to make the next move. Without decisive intervention, the outcome seemed decided.

It was therefore organised. A sniper, positioned on a rooftop along the street Mozhkin routinely traversed en route to the congress, would do the deed. The pieces fell into place as the plan was set into motion. However, the day the assassination was to be carried out, the 3rd of March 1997, Mozhkin walked a different road, conveniently missing the position where the sniper was placed. Dread struck Lavask and his co-conspirators as the creeping reality made itself clear: there was a snitch. And indeed, it was correct. The man had been informed by the plot by a certain Vekten Hayasal, a Congressman on Mozhkin's payroll and instructed to get closer to Lavask. For years he'd been involving himself in the plotting, informing the future General Secretary of every detail he'd heard.

Thoroughly outplayed, Lavask was forced to watch as his entire political life fell apart. He and those even slightly associated with the opposition to Mozhkin were detained by the National Security Service, and tried for their attempted murder. Lavask and the ringleaders would be sentenced to death; associates received time in the work camps. With this, the only serious opposition to the rise of Mozhkin to the position of General Secretary was toppled, and the path was clear. In the last few years of his father's life, Mozhkin grew somewhat closer to the man. Perhaps out of a sense of mutual guilt, the two began to reflect on their estranged relationship. And, on the 9th of September 2001, the old man passed away, after 37 years of rule.


The Party, in the absence of any notable opposition, elected Mozhkin Turanski, at the age of 35, as the next General Secretary, a mere four days later. According to the Constitution of the P.F.R., he was entitled to choose a President of the Federation from the People's Congress until the next election. Expected to keep the current President, Javia Tahatskiy, Turaniski instead dismissed him and, in a historic act, appointed himself the President, holding both leadership of both the Party and the state itself. Naturally, this incited outrage. Liberalisation protests and political opposition immediately broke out, with cities descending into rioting. Turaniski's reaction would define his rule thereon: he employed the police, National Security Service, and Red Army to crush the dissidents and remove opponents from the Congress. His father had been sparing with the use of force, his dictatorship aiming to be less actively violent in the latter years of his reign. Clearly, Mozhkin was of no mind to continue this precedent.

Following this repression, he disbanded the Reinkalistani Council of Ministers, and instead composed his own cabinet of various "State-Commissars". He appointed Karayov to be Commissar for War, Hayasal as Commissar for Intelligence, and Turnov as Commissar for the Exterior. He also appointed a promising partyman who had backed him against Lavask, Athier Varatsk, to his cabinet as a State-Commissar; namely, for Interior Affairs. Finally, he reorganised the National Security Service as the Office for Ideology, with the notoriously ruthless Ivaken Taratysk maintaining his leadership of the organisation. Its scope was expanded massively to operate as a military police, civil service, secret police, and foreign intelligence service, dedicating itself to "the full enforcement of the religious and ideological understanding of the Doctrine of Enlightenment." In a matter of months, the state had been transformed from a nominal soviet republic to a totally different style of state, organised around Turaniski.

With his position in power secured, Turaniski then turned towards the issue regarding the Reinkalistani people. Upset with his repression and noting the recent economic downturn, the current popular perception of him was a far cry from the sheer adoration he had experienced as a child. Naturally, the course of action was obvious: start a war for glory and honour. Namely, with North Reinkalistan. With the war between the North and South technically never having ended, he envisioned a grand campaign to liberate the subcontinent of imperialism -- something that would certainly secure faith in his administration and leadership. He took the matter to his cabinet, but Karayov was unsure. He knew that the American presence in North Reinkalistan was strong, and that an offensive on the South's part would likely be frustrated by the abundant foothills and mountains in the way of any potential advance.

Angered - expecting everyone to be on board with his plan - and outvoted, Turaniski instead decided to make his chief policy investing into the military and arms manufacturing instead. He also invited Marxian economists from across the world, to consult on the optimal economic policies for the Federation. What then ensued was the construction of a highly-militarised state structure, with the economy based around a close co-operation between the civilian-industrial planning boards and the arms manufacturing coalitions. He then instituted a "Five Year Plan", with strict production quotas instituted on all industries.

These policies ultimately proved to be successful in facilitating economic growth. And, as the riots died down, Turaniski brought in a full-on revival of his old personality cult. His books were made a mandatory part of the school curriculum. Multiple successes of the past, many fabricated or misattributed, were written into history as his doing. He was seen visiting villages, schools, and so-forth. Massive parades were held in his honour. With everyone conforming to this, the collective social pressure put on people mentally to step in line began to slowly eliminate dissent. With the Ideological Office gaining more and more agents, words against the Federation's leadership became more and more common.

It was around this time that Turaniski married. He had met Kassara Tarysyk in 2002, and taken a liking to her. While the feelings may not have been reciprocated, it is believed that through a desire for power - as well as a fear of what might happen should she decline - she agreed to marry him in late 2003. Turaniski commissioned - on expense of the state - a grandiose wedding, with hundreds of thousands of people observing. This marriage became a rather iconic symbol of his regime; it was a massive propaganda victory for the Communist Party, with many coming to adore the couple as a display of hope and the future. Turaniski generally saw higher support from the older people in the country during this period.

Turaniski and Kassara outside their second home in the countryside outside Turaniskidak, 2004