by Max Barry

Latest Forum Topics

Advertisement

8

DispatchAccountOther

by The People's Federation of South Reinkalistan. . 209 reads.

Social Tosdodanism - South Reinkalistan's Fusion of Marxism and Religion [WIP] [OUTDATED]

"The philosophy that Marx wrote was, despite being a revolutionary turning point in the development of socialism, fundamentally Eurocentric. While we must understand his ideals and how they apply to the international revolution, what must also be understood is that many of his ideals, on a basic level, do not apply in their entirety to the Reinkalistani proletariat. Just as Marx saw in the German philosophers of old the good and the bad, discarding the latter and building on the former, we must see in Marx's teachings the useful portion and the detrimental portion."

"Building Socialism in Reinkalistan", K.S Turaniski


Social Tosdodanism is the theory and philosophical doctrine that formed the basis of the PFR's political setting from the early 1970s to Kaspar Turaniski's death in 2001. It adopted the Marxist viewpoint of class struggle and revolution, as well as the inevitable collapse of capitalism due to its own contradictions. However the key aspect of Social Tosdodanism is that it advocates for a socialist society to be governed by the hierarchical nature of organised religion. This particular advocacy is based around the notion that religion forms a fundamental part of a nation's culture, which in turn must be safeguarded from external influences. It was initially formulated by Kaspar Turaniski, the first Premier of the People's Federation. Instead of towing the Maoist line in which a cultural revolution is initiated to remove bourgeoisie culture from society, Turaniski argued that the independent will of the proletariat had fostered a revolutionary class culture that was averse from the ways of the Reinkalistani bourgeoisie elite. He advocated for a return to a "cultural halcyon" in which the idyllic religious beliefs of pre-bourgeoisie society could be practiced without disturbance. It was thus deemed necessary that religion not only be retained, but empowered to a leading position in the socialist society.

In essence, Turaniski's Social Tosdodanism advocated that as the religious beliefs are representative of the collective proletarian will as a whole, the construction of the socialist state must be around that of religious authority -- the government would be comprised entirely of "religiously-convicted individuals" who above all were dedicated in their service to the Saviour, Tosdoda, the deity worshiped by the vast majority of Reinkalistanis. In essence, if the Means of Production were controlled and regulated by those unquestioningly committed to Tosdoda, the "God of the Working Man", they would manage the economy in a way beneficial to the general population. To summarise: the Means of Production must be in the hands of the spiritual authorities, which represented the Tosdodanist faith, which represented the proletariat. Through this, the cultural halcyon could be re-appropriated from the destructively-inclined clutches of the bourgeoisie, while still allowing a socialist state to function with proletarian rule. This was the basis of Turaniski's political philosophy.

History

The history of Social Tosdodanism is very much linked to the thoughts and contributions of Kaspar Turaniski during the pre-revolutionary vigour that seized Reinkalistan in 1956. The then-young Turaniski had become a convicted Marxist, yet had also held strong Tosdodanist views and outlooks since childhood. This distanced him from the ultra-radical sects of Reinkalistani Marxism that staunchly opposed any religious intervention and assistance in the proletarian revolution. Despite being merely twenty-four years of age, the young Marxist revolutionary took the time to, instead of grow disillusioned with the socialist movement, inflame it. He sat down and wrote the twelve-page pamphlet "The Reinkalistani Revolution and the Necessity of Our Traditions". In it, he outlined the contradictions he saw with Marxism-Leninism and the situation in Reinkalistan, including what he saw as the "dogmatically atheist fifth columnists" in the revolutionary movement. Through exposure of Marx's eurocentricism, he managed to sway large portions of the Reinkalistani working class to Social Tosdodanism and made a name for himself as a young revolutionary. He codified his core beliefs and principles in a book released in 1961: "Social Tosdodanism: Class and Culture".

Despite this widespread clout and prominence, the Social Tosdodanist movement was merely one of many differing schools of thought regarding Reinkalistani socialism. There were multiple other revolutionary groups in Reinkalistan, including the Orthodox Marxist and Anarchist sects. These ideological differences convened in July 1964 in the southern city of "Shikarewatis". The "Reinkalistani Revolutionary Convention", as it came to be called, was headed primarily by Kaspar Turaniski, Horath Devask, and Joreyu Lethk, representing the Social Tosdodanist, Orthodox Marxist, and Anarchist ideologies respectively. The object of the convention was to secure unilateral collaboration and unity between the revolutionary factions in Reinkalistan, with the intent of establishing a socialist republic in which the leftist ideologies could be represented. The group was rife with disagreements, yet kept together by the common enemy of bourgeois rule in Reinkalistan at the time. There is evidence to suggest that Turaniski and Devask coordinated a secret alliance against Lethk's anarchists in this convention.

The Convention was planned to run for a month through to August, but on day fifteen it was interrupted by members of the Rekkutomel, the monarchist secret police. They demanded that all aspects of the convention be "supervised" by Rekkutomel officers. This, being a clear attempt to subvert the processes of the ostensibly revolutionary organisation, was rejected unanimously by Turaniski, Devask, and Lethk. The Rekkutomel began to gather around the convention's building, and on the next day an attendee was arrested supposedly for illegal possession of a firearm. It was then demanded of the Convention that it unilaterally disband, and that the three "ringleaders" submit themselves to Reinkalistani authorities. This was denied, and the convention building was stormed by the Rekkutomel. Turaniski earned acclaim in this, taking a leading role in helping key revolutionaries - including Devask and Lethk - to escape through a pre-planned tunnel exit that the Rekkutomel weren't aware of.

From there, the revolutionaries escaped to the majority socialist city of Watester in the Duchy of Kaskia. There, Turaniski, standing in the city square, delivered the "Watester Square Speech" in which he roused the people of the city to take up arms against the nobility that ruled them. This has been noted as one of Turaniski's most powerful speeches and a piece of oratory brilliance. With a sufficiently-determined mob, he stormed the city hall and had the Mayor of Watester detained. His actions here are what established him as the de facto leader of the revolution. From there, with the revolutionaries he had gathered, he set up the twenty-two seat "Revolutionary Council" in which he and Devask played a leading role. Lethk, however, had been sufficiently sidelined to the point in which his anarchists were outnumbered substantially. Despite this, he retained a seat on the Council.

Turaniski realised that he had to rally support across the country. With substantial help from Devask, he quickly drafted and published "The Charter of the Reinkalistani Proletariat" that represented the "interests of the Reinkalistani socialist parties, people of the City of Watester, and the working class across all Reinkalistan". It was a stunningly successful exercise in creating a coherent revolutionary manifesto, in a matter of days, and it garnered support from workers -- especially in the South. Soon, the six ex-royal territories of Kaskia, Shika, Stekktosho, Suthman, East Ontis, and West Ontis were essentially under control of the Revolutionary Council. The national guards of the big cities in the south consisted primarily of workers who respected either Turaniski or Devask, and seized them in the name of the revolution now that the opportunity presented itself. The Royalist military was forced to retreat to the north. While a state of war did not technically exist between the Communists and the Royalists, it was by all means an inevitability.

It was at that point that Turaniski declared the "People's Federation of Reinkalistan" as a sovereign and independent state in a joint statement with Devask. The "Turaniski-Devask" alliance united the religious and secular aspects of the Reinkalistani socialist movement into one coherent fighting force. Historians point to this factor as the reason for the initial success of the Reinkalistani revolution. However, as the growing statist leanings of the Turaniski-Devask administration became clear, Lethk began to become hopelessly disillusioned with the revolutionary fate of Reinkalistan. He disappeared from the Revolutionary Council come late July. Turaniski, meanwhile, organised a "Popular Militia" from the national guard, proletarian volunteers, and conscripted peasants. It was then that the Council passed "Standing Order No. #01". Essentially this transformed the PFR into the equivalent of a single-party state lead by the "Turaniski-Devask Revolutionary Coalition". It also authorised the investigation and execution of known or potential counterrevolutionaries in Communist-controlled territory. Many historians have concluded that Order #01 was the key blow that separated the Social Tosdodanists and Orthodox Marxists from the Anarchists.

Following Lethk's departure, a large-scale manhunt was organised for him. However, Order #01 was also used on a large, royalist-controlled naval base in the Communist port city of Marinta. Occupied by the royalist armies, Turaniski's Popular Militia used the Order as pretext to storm the base and arrest the royalists with overwhelming force. The prisoners taken were executed the following day. This was seen by many as the start of the Reinkalistani Civil War. The royalists, decrying the act as horrendous, invaded the following morning. They received support primarily from France, the United Kingdom, and the United States. In turn, the U.S.S.R. supported the People's Federation. In what was becoming one of the biggest proxy wars of the Cold War, occurring in a developed world power such as Reinkalistan no less, it was seen as an "all-hands-on-deck" conflict for all powers involved.

Not wishing for a bloody civil war to engulf the nation, Turaniski brought to the Council the prospect of seeking peace with the royalists. His argument was rather simple: he had seen the devastation that wracked Korea, Vietnam, and Russia in their revolutions. He did not want to see this happen to Reinkalistan. The revolutionaries could, having consolidated their presence, immediately begin the construction of socialism in peace. This, he argued, would allow "South" Reinkalistan to become the most quickly-prospering socialist country to date. The proletariat in "North" Reinkalistan would quickly overthrow their own bourgeoisie once the success of the South became apparent. Devask, however, quickly denounced this method as opportunist. He proclaimed that to end the war now would be to This drove a divide between the Revolutionary Council between Turaniski's supporters and Devask's supporters. While aware that much of the populace was on his side, Turaniski also realised that Devask's support was far from unsubstantial. He could not afford a divided revolution. As such, he decided to table it as a resolution to the entire Council. While risky, he could earn legitimacy for his idea if the Council supported it.

In an unbelievably close margin, the resolution was passed eleven votes to ten. While the Turaniski-Devask alliance was still intact, there was exposed both a personal and political divide between the two men. It had existed already, but it was only to widen from here. Negotiations began, but the Royalists knew they had to take a hard-line stance, and refused all offers of a white peace. Turaniski was a skilled negotiator, yet even he could not convince them. This was especially bad news for Turaniski. With open competition between him and Devask beginning to occur, he knew that if the negotiations failed, the failure would be attributed to him. However, before the negotiations could break down or conclude, there came reports of anarchist demonstrations in the West of the PFR, organised by Lethk. With a pretext to exercise military force on the anarchists, Turaniski also used this as an excuse to break the talks without admitting the futility of his efforts. But as the Popular Militia was deployed in the west, it became clear that these were not mere demonstrations, but a full-on revolution against "the Stalinist jackals of the People's Federation".

The situation from then on rapidly began to deteriorate for Turaniski. In fact, his position as the primary leader of the revolution was being threatened by Devask. While nominally still political allies, there was definitely a contentious atmosphere -- Devask clearly began to resent Turaniski's dominance in revolutionary politics. It became ever apparent that Turaniski would have to act quick and act fast to consolidate the revolution. But with the monarchists now pressing on from the north, he was facing a very difficult situation. He established his first priority as the "complete and utter eradication of the anarchist threat in the west". This was embodied in Order #02, which essentially authorised "any degree of force" against Lethk's forces. This lead to President Lyndon B Johnson of the United States condemning it as "naked permission for the Communist armies to inflict war crimes upon the Reinkalistani people". This was responded to by Turaniski stating that "the anarchists are engaging in active treachery to the revolution -- they shall be spared no quarter."

This hardliner stance alleviated some of the greater concerns regarding Turaniski's perceived mismanagement of the situation thus far, but many - especially Devask - demanded to see direct action. Turaniski, pressed into aggression by the voices of the Council, moved into the Anarchist zones with stunning speed and brutality. While lacking heavy equipment, the Popular Militia burned and murdered their way through the uprising. Lethk famously remarked, "if I had known the men that I once stood by as comrades were capable of inflicting such horror, I would never have attended the Revolutionary Convention." Despite this, the anarchists soon found themselves on the losing end of the invasion. Relief came, however, when American aid arrived in anarchist territories. Furthermore, the Royalists had seen major success at the Battles of Retnfrask and Keskerset. Turaniski's reputation as a leader was plunging, and it seemed that Devask would inevitably come to lead. Beyond that, the very fate of the revolution was at risk.

When the Royalist armies reached Watester, Turaniski knew that losing the revolution's origin would be the final nail in not just the coffin of his leadership, but the coffin of the revolution as a whole. There was one saving grace, however, when an entire division of Soviet reinforcements arrived from Russia. They took up positions with the Popular Militia at Watester, preparing for the Royalist attack. The Battle of Watester is remembered as the decisive conflict of the civil war. On 5th January, 1965, the Royalists crossed the River Ontosu and marched on Watester. They pushed into the city, though quickly came under fire from the Popular Militia. The Royalists with their tanks and artillery were not as mobile as the militiamen, and found themselves bogged down. Tanks were destroyed with Molotov cocktails. It was urban warfare at its epoch, and the Royalists failed to take Watester. With reinforcements arriving from newly-conscripted units, the Royalists found themselves subject to counteroffensive and were forced to retreat. It was Turaniski's decisive victory he needed, and once again was propelled to becoming the undisputed leader of the revolution.

Now, with momentum regained, and Soviet support mounting, the Royalists were thrust back across the Ontosu and forced to retreat again, and again, and again as the Popular Militia won battle after battle. One of these was the crushing victory at Vaskaranta, where 90,000 Royalist soldiers were trapped and forced to surrender. However, Lethk's rebellion in the East still remained a genuine threat to the revolutionary forces. However, with Royalist airfields in previously revolutionary territory being captured, a large amount of the Royalist air force was now in revolutionary hands. Order #03 authorised the "indiscriminate obliteration of resistant anarchist strongholds". Lacking in sufficient means to sufficiently fight against the aerial onslaught, Lethk offered surrender to the Revolutionary Council, on the basis that "no leaders, soldiers, or civilians of the anarchist movement are to be harmed". This was accepted. However, upon the reoccupation of anarchist lands, the promise was rescinded and Lethk was executed.

Now that the Revolutionaries were winning, the Americans were sending impossibly large amounts of support to the Royalists. This, however, was taking its toll on the American population. Calls to withdraw from Reinkalistan rung throughout the American public. However, a stalemate was descending roughly at the previous border between North and South. The Americans approached the Revolutionary Council with an offer of "honourable peace". Devask was staunchly opposed to the offer, but Turaniski was not. Knowing that he had to consolidate Reinkalistani socialism as quickly as possible, he believed that following such a victory the North of Reinkalistan would not last for long. Using the expansive influence he had garnered from his revolutionary acts, he saw a 13-8 majority on the Revolutionary Council when it came to accepting this peace, and thus the Reinkalistani civil war was over. The North remained, though the six breakaway provinces were free to form their own socialist republic.

The 1965 Constitution of the People's Federation was ratified by the Revolutionary Council in December, and the "People's Congress" was established. The Revolutionary Council was dismantled, and instead the offices of "Premier" and "Prime Commissar" were created. The Prime Commissar was Head of Government, Premier as Head of State. The Prime Commissar would be elected, and would then appoint a Premier. Not wanting the rift between Social Tosdodanism and Orthodox Marxism to cause political turmoil in the fledgling nation, Turaniski offered Devask an electoral alliance. Devask would run for Prime Commissar, and appoint Turaniski as Premier. Devask accepted the agreement, and as such the Turaniski-Devask Coalition governed the People's Federation for the first electoral term.

This government implemented numerous reforms that both Social Tosdodanists and Orthodox Marxists agreed were important. Land reform, education reform, nationalisation of key industries, and other important socialist provisions were enacted upon unanimous approval by the People's Congress. However, the one thing that Turaniski and Devask could not agree on was the relation of religion to the revolution. Devask rejected the notion that the proletarian revolution should be guided by religion, while Turaniski advocated for complete religious control over the Means of Production. Tensions came to a head when Devask attempted to pass a bill in 1968 that would forcefully separate Church and State. Turaniski turned every government institution under his control against the bill, and had it defeated by a rather close vote. In anger, Devask broke the electoral alliance and dismissed Turaniski from his office. However, this move was perceived as tyrannical.

In the 1970 elections, Turaniski ran up against Devask for the position of Prime Commissar. It was common perception that the election that would determine the fate of the nation: Social Tosdodanism, or Orthodox Marxism. The campaign was long, during which each candidate's contributions in the Revolutionary war were put under immense scrutiny. Devask accused Turaniski of bending to American influence when he sued for peace in 1965. Turaniski replied by quoting Mao Tse Tung: "Keep men, lose land; land can be taken again. Keep land, lose men; land and men are both lost." Despite Turaniski polling incredibly well as the likely victor of the election, the results announced in December were that Devask had won the Prime Commissariat. Turaniski decried the results of the election as rigged by the U.S.S.R., an accusation that likely had some basis. The new Soviet General Secretary, Leonid Brezhnev, had made very clear his disdain for Social Tosdodanism, and sightings of Soviet agents had also been reported in a Shikarewatis election booth, though no evidence for this claim was found.

Turaniski knew he had to act quickly. On the 31st of December, Devask accused him of revisionist thought and a warrant was sent out for his arrest. The next day, in what is commonly referred to as "the New Year Coup", Turaniski contacted Major Askyrdek Mayren, head of the Red Army. Mayren was loyal to Turaniski, as was most of the army. Turaniski was perceived as the winner of the revolutionary war, after all. He assembled a personal guard, before moving multiple military units into Watester, the capital of the People's Federation. He marched into the People's Congress with his "Redcoat Guardsmen". The building guards did not stop him. When he reached the chamber itself, he went to the front and stated: "I am Prime Commissar, ordained by Tosdoda. If you do not think this is the case, remove me." Taking into consideration the fact that Turaniski was surrounded by armed guards and that there was still a clear Social Tosdodanist majority in the People's Congress, there was no attempt to remove Turaniski.

With his rule secured, Turaniski declared Devask to be an enemy of the party. Devask fled to Mexico with many his supporters, declaring Reinkalistani socialism to be dead. This functionally eliminated all of the Social Tosdodanist party's opposition in the People's Congress as Devask's party members fled. The Constitutional provision for the resignation of a Congressman was for a replacement to be appointed by the Prime Commissar. Turaniski used this as an opportunity to appoint Social Tosdodanist Party members to every seat in the People's Congress, essentially transforming the PFR into a one-party state. He outlawed Devask's Communist Party. This is gestured to as the end of democracy in the People's Federation. In April, he passed a constitutional amendment that had the Prime Commissariat be an office elected by the Congress, not the electorate. As such, he was to be elected by the Congress dominated by his party. Minority parties were still allowed, but had no electoral chance of success due to the dominance of Social Tosdodanism.

Thus entered a period known as the "Tosdodan Consolidation". In this, Turaniski implemented a cultural policy known as the "Five Great Steps". Some voices in the party criticised him for these measures that they saw as akin to the Maoist Cultural Revolution that he had previously eschewed. However, the policies were implemented regardless.

  1. All places of worship for foreign religions were torn down, and their practices banned.

    The liberation of the Reinkalistani proletariat hinges on the fact that their religion is not imperialised by others. It it established as indisputable and essential knowledge that religion is the embodiment of its adherents' collective will. Therefore, it is essential that the religion - in this case, the worship of Tosdoda - remains unblemished. We would not inflict our religious beliefs on foreign lands, and they should not inflict theirs on us.

  2. Multiple Social Tosdodanist works and their associated beliefs were added to the educational curriculum.

    Social Tosdodanism, as we thought of Marxism, is an all-encompassing philosophy. It embodies the founding and governing principles of the Reinkalistani state, and as such it is essential that ideological coherence be maintained through the generations to come. We cannot become another U.S.S.R., in which the efforts of Comrades Lenin and Stalin were undone by Khrushchev's dogma.

  3. The perception of Tosdoda as a "King" was entirely disregarded.

    It cannot be stressed enough that the Saviour's supposed Kingship - as has been the popular interpretation historically - cannot be used as a legitimising force for any monarchic claimants to the Reinkalistani nation. He should not be presented in education as a monarch, but rather as the deity that He is and was. He transcends notions as pitiful as royalty. This should be the popular narrative.

  4. "Atheist Marxism" was systematically supressed.

    As shown by Devask's treachery, anyone within the People's Federation of Reinkalistan who rejects Social Tosdodanism has no home or place here. They are by and large incompatiable with the mode of production we have established. There is no place in any of our institutions for such thoughts, and Atheist Marxism must be ushered away from our Vanguard.

  5. Youth Leagues were established for the proliferation of Social Tosdodanist thought among the younger generations.

    Our future is the youth. While the current generation has certain individuals too set in their ways to accept the truth, this new generation of proletarians born into a world without capitalist exploitation can be instilled with the revolutionary knowledge and vigour becoming of the pioneers of the future.

RawReport